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The paper is related to media education and cultural or educational policy as well as international developments in media education. The aim is to analyse EU Medias regulation in a globalized context, as regards cultural diversity and knowledge as common goods. In that respect, I will show ambition of the EU programme on EU media literacy - even though education remains a competence of the member states. Therefore I will show the fragmentation among countries, the accountability of as well as opportunity for the private sectors, and the role of the educational people. Despite the Lisbon and Europe 2020 strategies, enlargement continue to pose a challenge, when the ECE states are still in post-accession crisis (see European policies at regional and local levels). I will wonder if digital citizenship is a new set of life skills or a form of moral education that frames media and technology use in terms of middle-class values and cultural norms. I will demonstrate how do messages about media literacy and about the value of digital media and learning resonate with policymakers, school leaders, as well as the private sector. The active participation of the industry and the civil society in media literacy initiatives could help promote the co-responsibility. Nonetheless the possibility that the development of active citizenship could affect the economy remains taboo. The way the promotion of active citizenship could affect the economy and vice-versa is not yet understood properly. There remain differences between what we could call a technical focus to digital literacy and a humanist and cultural focus to media literacy. This is mainly due to a lack of bridges between educational systems and the working system, as well as the lack of consideration given to the value of education in relation to employability and the ability to affect production. Ideological protectionism stemming from a political commitment criticises and condemns messages so that Medias get opposed to this commitment. Consequently, the current emerging ...

The world is becoming more multilateral, with established powers increasingly sharing decision-making with rising powers. At the same time, democratic institutions appear to be unstable in many parts of the world. What are the positions of the rising powers on the defense and promotion of democracy abroad? This article examines Brazil which, like India and South Africa, is a democracy. The conventional wisdom about Brazil is that its foreign policy prioritizes non-intervention, is pragmatic and open to negotiation to everyone, and prioritizes its own economic development as well as the political and economic integration of its own region, South America. Brazil's efforts to defend and promote democracy are also often depicted as minimal, and far less than those of established powers such as the USA and the EU. This article examines Brazilian policy towards Honduras after the coup d'état there in 2009 to challenge these interpretations. It argues that the Honduras case shows that Brazil does defend and promote democracy, especially when its material interests and geostrategic concerns are furthered by doing so.

International Perspectives on Mental Health is a unique collection of authoritative briefings from over ninety countries around the world. Each chapter covers demographics, mental health resources, undergraduate education, postgraduate training in psychiatry, research activities, mental health legislation, policy and development strategies within the chosen country. Each chapter is written by experienced senior practitioners who have intimate knowledge of all aspects of psychiatry, including workforce, policy and delivery models. They offer a wealth of information as well as critical examination and evaluation of service development. There is a growing recognition of the cultural aspects of psychiatric practice in different regions, and in today's globalised society many health professionals have interests that cross geographical boundaries. This is the first book of its kind that will meet the needs of this diverse group of readers. The book should interest all psychiatrists and is particularly useful for those working in multicultural societies (where differing cultural aspects can impact on psychiatric practice) and for those with interests that cross geographical boundaries

The landmark welfare legislation of 1996 offers students of politics a unique opportunity to pinpoint the determinants of state-level policy choices -- a case in which the fifty states responded virtually simultaneously to a single policy mandate. Taking advantage of this opportunity, we investigate the factors that led states to make restrictive policy choices after 1996 & use this analysis to evaluate general theories of welfare politics. Specifically, we test six types of explanations for why some states responded by adopting "get-tough" program rules: theories that identify welfare policy as a site of ideological conflict, as an outcome of electoral politics, as a domain of policy innovation, as an instrument of social control, as an outlet for racial resentments, & as an expression of moral values. The results of our ordered & binary logit models suggest that state policies have been shaped by a variety of social & political forces, but especially by the racial composition of families who rely on program benefits. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 89 References. Adapted from the source document.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

From a historical perspective, it is important to note that Australia's foreign policy, as an autonomous and independent from the United Kingdom, began to take shape quite late. It was the Second World War when the weakening Great Britain remained unable to maintain the colonial government in many of its colonies and overseas territories. Australia used this situation to seek closer relations with the United States. Since the formation of the country's foreign policy beginning in Australia's foreign policy a U.S made the major impact. It is emphasized that Australia's foreign policy not only could not be seen without the U.S., but the country would mean the loss of Australia's main strategic partner and key defensive capacity. On the other hand, the U.S. is actively engaged, Australia to turn their satellite. De facto this country can be called the ambassador of the U.S. in Southeast Asia and Oceania. While Australia can be considered one of the region's leaders, however, Australia is a country characterized by an inferiority complex. This circumstance complicates the spread of its influence in the region and aims to become a strong "Medium Power". Australia's interest in the region cannot be denied, however, has seen its capacity levels to those of the world, which not only does not affect the development of the country, and provide questionable benefits to the Australian policies. It is noted that Australia since the start of cooperation with the United States actively participates in all of the U.S. wars. So we can predict that the next step would be to complete the Australian military's entrance into the U.S. armed forces, then the transfer of powers to the foreign policy of the Washington administration. It should be noted that such a step in Canberra is likely if it would be a real threat. Australia, through its humble U.S. policy and at the same time to the region's power in Asia and Oceania, has recently faced with the Chinese ambition to become a regional hegemony. While in China this step seems perfectly logical, but for Canberra administration, this situation is worrying. For this reason, Australian and the U.S. administrations in the near future may become even more intense, and Canberra may seek greater U.S. military presence in increasing the number of its territory. Subject of research was selected - "Forreign Policy of Australia: Development and Pecularity". The paper presents the foreign policy development, analyzed the problems of foreign policy in the region and globally. The paper aims to reveal the Australian foreign policy in the region's stability and its development. Seen not only in the past and the present, but also reveals the possible scenarios for the region. Australia's foreign policy can be identified as having specific characteristics and thus stands apart from other large and medium-sized countries. Adapting to the current situation it is actively reconfiguring its ongoing foreign policy. Australia's foreign policy is still making its development, and this formation already takes more than 40 years. This unique phenomenon is unique to Australian politics. Revealed the importance of Australia's foreign policy is its desire to dominate the Southern Hemisphere, South Africa, and East Asia. It should be noted that the twenty-first century. Australia's foreign policy focuses on one region - South-East Asia. Party is important to maintain peace and stability in Southeast Asia, because the region is important for Australia of their economic potential, and energy resources.

Rural areas and the agricultural sector are currently experiencing a radically new social and economic situation which barely fits the existing national agricultural policy as a long-term instrument for stimulating the agri-food market and government's support of the agrarian sector and, primarily, agriculture that underlies it.In the age of globalization of national agri-food markets, food supply security based on import substitution can be ensured in a macro-economic environment that favors the development of a competitive agricultural industry. The main factor preventing the industry from developing is the unequal inter-industrial exchange biased against the rural economy. The article proposes the author's simple tried and tested schema for evaluating how inter-industry pricing relationships and governmental financial support (in the form of subsidies) to agricultural organizations affect their margins. The evaluation leads to the following conclusions:– Given its real contribution to the national economy, the agro-industry is self-sufficient for its own development, i.e. the state objectively has the potential to increase its expenses on the elimination of the negative consequences from an unequal inter-industry exchange;– Federal expenditures on such state support must secure a margin for agricultural goods producers that enables stimuli for workers' efficiency and an affordable credit system for the technical and technological upgrade of the facilities required for the production of competitive goods;– The issues of competitive growth of agricultural products require solutions primarily on a federal scale.An essential factor of competitive growth of individual types of national food and agricultural raw materials should involve science proven EEU agricultural treaties. The article discusses the major priorities in developing a common agricultural policy in the new integration institution.

[Resumen] El artículo, escrito con ocasión del 80 aniversario de la muerte de Antonio Gramsci, pretende subrayar la centralidad que el político italiano asigna a la cultura y a la educación en el proyecto de construir una alternativa a la sociedad burguesa. Y al repensar el marxismo a la luz de la nueva situación histórica italiana (e internacional), Gramsci identifica en la filosofía de la praxis y en la relación entre intelectuales y masas las condiciones para la construcción de una "cultura hegemónica" y un "principio educativo", capaz entrenar al hombre nuevo (el Leonardo moderno) y realizar la sociedad comunista ; [Abstract] The article, written on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the death of Antonio Gramsci, aims to underline the importance that this Italian politician gave to culture and education as the basis for building an alternative to the bourgeois society. Revisiting Marxism in view of the new Italian (and international) historical situation, based on the philosophy of praxis and the relationship between intellectuals and masses, Gramsci identified the conditions for the creation of a "hegemonic culture" and an "educational principle", both capable of building the new man (the modern Leonardo) and to plan the communist society

International audience ; With the enactment of the Equal Rights and opportunities, Participation and Citizenship of People with Disabilities Act, France has reformed its accessibility policy. Within a period of ten years, collective transportation services just be made accessible. Specialized services are only a substitute to accessible transportation services. When it is technically infeasible to render existing conventional services accessible, transportation authorities must make specialized services available for people with disabilities within three years. Admittedly the new law benefits from a favorable context. Indeed, people with disabilities no longer accept to have a special treatment. Furthermore, many technical solutions have already been developped. Lastly, the accessibility issue is now set on the institutional agenda of several organizations. Nevertheless, future decrees may impact its effectiveness and change its objectives. Furthermore some shortcomings in the new legal framework can already be identified. It is to be feared that the priority order between accessible conventional services and specialized services may be reversed at a local level. Juxtaposed implementations in a same area without coordination and a differentiated implementation throughout the national territory are foreseeable. There are also structural forces such as financial and economic constraints which challenge the legitimacy of the new law. Several tools for local actors should be set on the research agenda to avoid some of these likely outcomes.