Suchergebnisse

Francisco Murillo Ferrol was a professor of political law at the University of Valencia from his access to the chair in 1952; until his departure to the University of Granada in 1961. He was the first stable profesor this discipline had in Valencia since 1932. When arriving; he was a professor trained in philosophy of law who had done some reflections on the theory of the State from historical and classical perspectives. His eight and a half years in Valencia show an intense activity: he was the director of the college "Luis Vives"; he participated intensely in the academic life of the faculty; he promoted an interdisciplinary seminar on social sciences focused on sociology and political science; whose main currents in Europe and America he began to introduce; he created a large library on these matters and encouraged a first group of disciples; etc. The present study shows all this activity; as well as a description of the main features of the professor's personality; such as his political and personal tolerance; his vigorous intelectual personality; characterized by a radical critical attitude; his scepticism bordering on pessimism and; above all; his strong vocation towards teaching; which led him to be defined as "a master in an age of bosses". ; Francisco Murillo Ferrol fue catedrático de derecho político en la Universidad de Valencia desde su acceso a la cátedra, en 1952, hasta su marcha a la Universidad de Granada en 1961. Fue el primer catedrático estable que tuvo la disciplina en Valencia desde 1932. Cuando llega, es un profesor formado en la filosofía del derecho y que había realizado algunas reflexiones sobre la teoría del Estado desde perspectivas históricas y clásicas. Sus ocho años y medio en Valencia fueron de intensa actividad: dirigió el colegio mayor "Luis Vives"; participó intensamente en la vida académica de la Facultad; impulsó un Seminario interdisciplinar de ciencias sociales centrado en la sociología y la ciencia política, cuyas corrientes principales en Europa y América empezó a introducir; creó una gran biblioteca sobre estas materias; animó un primer grupo de discípulos; etc. El presente estudio muestra toda esa actividad, al tiempo que hace una descripción de los principales rasgos de la personalidad del profesor, como su tolerancia política y personal, su vigorosa personalidad intelectual, caracterizada por una actitud crítica radical, su escepticismo rayano en el pesimismo y, sobre todo, su firme vocación docente, que le llevó a ser definido como "un maestro en tiempo de patronos".

Faith has divided men. Religion, as cultural instrument, allows humans to understand their uncertain place in creation. However, the element that is supposed to unite has become a dissociative aspect, to the extent a high number of political conflicts are rooted in religious disputes. In this regard, due to an apparently insurmountable confessional antagonism, the Islamic world and the West have become increasingly polarized. This situation demands us to rethink the issue of tolerance. Thus, this essay analyzes the conflict between "religious freedom and state laïcité" as a challenge for peaceful coexistence and dialogue among religions. This dilemma does not only refer to the mystical, but also affects the social integration of immigrants. The first part of this document refers to the basic aspects of the right to religious freedom. A second section examines the ideology behind state laïcité. Lastly, a study on the problems that have arisen in France and Germany in relation to the use of the Muslim veil has been included. ; La fe ha dividido a los hombres. La religión como instrumento cultural permite al ser humano entender su incierto lugar en la creación. No obstante, aquello que debería unir se ha tornado elemento disociador, al punto que un elevado número de conflictos políticos encuentra su origen en disputas religiosas. En ese sentido, el mundo islámico y el mundo occidental se polarizan cada vez más mediante un antagonismo confesional, en apariencia insuperable, obligando con ello a repensar el tema de la tolerancia. En este trabajo analizaremos una de las manifestaciones del conflicto "libertad religiosa-laicidad estatal" como desafío a la política de convivencia pacífica y diálogo entre religiones. Este dilema abarca no sólo lo místico, sino que incide en los programas de integración social de los inmigrantes. En un primer momento, abordaremos las líneas básicas del derecho a la libertad religiosa, posterior- mente analizaremos la ideología presente en la laicidad estatal y por último, estudiaremos algunos de los problemas que han tenido lugar en Francia y Alemania con ocasión de la polémica por el uso del velo.

Conflicts are endemic in society, but what is their specific nature in Africa, & why do they deteriorate into such intense violence as negates humanity itself? This article looks at the "mainstream" theory that attempts to explain this, taking as example the UN secretary-general's recent report on the subject. The report is both partial & ideological; it seeks to hide the systemic causes of poverty & conflict in Africa. The role of the peace activist is to understand conflict in Africa from a holistic & systemic perspective. He or she must work at various levels to alleviate conflict & prevent its degeneration into violence, based on the dual strategy of partially de-linking Africa from the global system & developing tolerance towards interethnic & political differences. This approach requires a new kind of moral & political culture, & new structures of political decision-making & accountability that are locally accountable & diversified. Adapted from the source document.

Research on the rescuers has shown that some were Christians whose activities on behalf of Jews during World War II were, at least in part, religiously inspired. This article argues that these religious rescuers have left behind important clues for the churches as they respond to Christian moral failure during the Holocaust and seek to be morally stronger communities today. Eight lessons for the churches are proposed, in the following areas: Christian attitudes toward Jews; character formation; Christian community; piety and spirituality; the Bible; religious tolerance; patriotism; and Christian moral leadership.

Received 11.01.2020. The article discusses the problem of the decline in the spirit of Indian secularism, both in connection with the significant loss of popularity of the INC party and the general crisis of liberal values in the world, examines the reasons for the complication of intercommunal dialogue and the reduction of public space for tolerance. The understanding of such key ideas as secularism, religious tolerance, multiculturalism, pluralism in political culture and society determines not only its prospects on its path to modernization, but also determines the fate of these societies. In addition to the ideological confrontation around the listed concepts within the Indian political system, the study examines the special role of educational institutions at all levels and the media in expanding the space of public dialogue and also outlines the difficulties faced by the country's political institutions. Based on the examples of recent experience in resolving the Kashmir problem and the adoption of the Citizenship Law, an attempt is made to assess the mutual influence of the secular self-awareness of Indians and religious dynamics in a complex structured Indian society on political processes. The paper assesses the impact of the Hindutva ideology on reducing the degree of secularity in modern India and the role of the Sangh Parivar family (Hindu ethno-nationalist organizations) in the course of the country's forced "saffronization" policy.

The major influx of refugees to Europe, especially in 2015, has led to immense solidarity, but also hostility among European citizens. In the wake of the so-called 'refugee crisis' country differences in the willingness to help displaced people have become a salient issue of European integration. In this paper, we explain country differences in the public support for helping refugees across Europe at a critical time-point - spring 2016 - just after the influx of displaced people had peaked. Theoretically, we base our explanation of country differences on economic threat, inter-group contact, welfare state, and political framing theories. Using data from a Eurobarometer survey across the 28 EU member states, we show that solidarity with refugees varies significantly between countries. Controlling for individual characteristics of respondents and utilizing a multilevel design, we find that solidarity with refugees is highest in countries with an extensive welfare state and a historically high share of immigrants, whereas there is no effect of countries' economic situation or strength of right-wing parties. On the individual level of respondents, however, we find that people with a more precarious economic background, little institutional trust, and a right-wing political orientation express lower solidarity with refugees.

The article presents an analysis of the origins of the nation-building in Azerbaijan focusing on the discourses
of nation-building, role of religion in defining national identity, and multiculturalism. It argues that Azerbaijanism
embraces a civic understanding of citizenship identity acknowledging Turkish roots with a particular
value and importance to secularism, multiculturalism and tolerance. Azerbaijan consolidated both
its nation and state-building processes after the Second Karabakh War in 2022 and is in the process of redefining
its place in a geo-political context challenged by security concerns over the last decades.

"The Cold War ideological battle with universal aspirations has given way to a clash of cultures as the world concurrently moves toward globalization of economies and communications and balkanization through a clash of ethnic and cultural identities. Traditional liberal theory has confronted daunting challenges in coping with these changes and with recent developments such as the spread of postmodern thought, religious fundamentalism, and global terrorism. This book argues that a political and legal philosophy based on pluralism is best suited to confront the problems of the twenty-first century. Pointing out that monist theories such as liberalism have become inadequate and that relativism is dangerous, the book makes the case for pluralism from the standpoint of both theory and its applications. The book engages with thinkers, such as Spinoza, Kant, Hegel, Rawls, Berlin, Dworkin, Habermas, and Derrida, and with several subjects that are at the center of current controversies, including equality, group rights, tolerance, secularism confronting religious revival, and political rights in the face of terrorism"--Provided by publisher

The language used by norm research exercises a form of epistemological violence that seeks to minimize normative ambiguity, hence foreclosing alternative ways of reading and writing about norms. Taking a seminal text of constructivist literature on norms as an example, this article examines how this research has been dominated by a specific "norm language." To uncover the power of this language, we examine the normalizing effects and implications of a particularly influential work in norm research literature. Inspired by the work of Jacques Derrida, we inquire into the presuppositions of "International Norm Dynamics and Political Change" by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink. A double reading of the text traces how it relies on logocentric dichotomies that need to be sustained by discursive moves of deferral, closure, and forgetting. We provide an alternative reading of some of the stories in the text that work to destabilize its underlying logics. Finally, we offer a perspective on "writing norms" calling for a culture of tolerance and an ethics of "hospitality" that celebrate normative ambiguity as a source for dialogue.

Although there appear to be no overt racial distinctions in Mexico, the existence of racism in Mexico is debated. Racism is portrayed as a maiden with which the country flirts. Racism lurks in occurrences of cultural conflict & territorial repossession. This is because mestizaje (crossing of the races) in the Mexican concept of identity has the existence of native peoples at its base. This Other may be ostracized with severe discrimination or rendered visible with the extreme advocacy of rights for native peoples & communities. Racism in Mexico will not disappear by decree. The deception that it does not exist must be returned into tolerance before civil disobedience results. Adapted from the source document.

In its own narrative, EUrope conceives of itself as a postnational and transborder project, often through tropes of movement and the transgression of borders. In light of this imaginary, recent mass migrations provoked a serious conundrum. How would the EUropean polity reconcile the dominant idea of itself with its desire to erect barriers to cross-border movements from the "Global South"? This article inquires into tensions between, first, Hungary and, second, Italy vis-à-vis the European Commission and other EU member states over the control and regulation of unauthorized migrations in 2015 and 2018. Both examples allude to divergent and conflictual ways of governing migration, often associated with different levels of governance, particularly the supranational and the national, and different values, particularly those of tolerance and intolerance vis-à-vis the "migrant other." While the illusion of "EUropean" and "un-EUropean" ways of governing migration is meant to be kept intact, not least through a recoding of antimigrant violence, a closer look reveals the deep entanglement of forms of migration governance that has given rise to a thoroughly EUropean border regime. This article points to the need to develop a new conceptual vocabulary in order to capture the EUropeanness of the border.

The article questions collective identities of "imagined communities" involved in the process of European Union (EU) enlargement. Focusing on issues of citizenship, unity and diversity, nationalism, and patriotism, the author explores the process of EU enlargement from the viewpoint of the "other Europe" in general and Slovenia in particular. It presents the dilemmas of "new democracies" of Central and Eastern Europe and their reluctance to hand over their only recently won national sovereignty to a transnational entity of the EU. The author approaches the question of exclusivism and inclusivism through the scope of modern citizenship and the need of multiple identities that provide not only tolerance but also understanding and possible respect for the Other. On the other hand, it presents the strategies of both sides, the nationalism of candidate states, and the gethoisation (Schengen) of member states as they outline the possibility of a dim scenario of enlarged but internally divided Europe.

The psychology of formation of state language in the context of national education of the person is analyzed; author assumes that every nation has its own language picture of the world, in which appears the mentality, character of people, psychology of attitudes towards people, objects and activities; the main feature of educational psychology of a person appears in understanding of organic connection between our national language and it's psychology, character of worldview, history, culture, after all reflecting in nature where ethnic groups live; Ukraine is a multinational state which characterized by the interaction of mentalities and languages; state language can be implemented only through the tolerance of ethnic languages and cultures; thus, the state should have several languages with regional status. ; Анализируется психология формирования государственного языка в контексте национального воспитания личности; автор выходит с того, что каждый народ имеет свою языковую картину мира, в которой проявляется ментальность, характер личности, психология ее отношения к людям, предметам и деятельности; главная черта психологи воспитания личности средствами языка отслеживается благодаря пониманию органической связи языка народа с его психологией,характером мировосприятия, историей, культурой, наконец, с природой, где живет этнос; как многонациональное государство Украина характеризуется взаимодействием национальнсотей и языков; государственный язык может быть внедрен благодаря толерантному отношению к языкам национальнсотей и культур; при этом, в государстве должны свободно функционирвоать несколтько языков регионального статуса. ; Аналізується психологія формування державної мови в контексті національного виховання особистості; автор виходить з того, що кожен народ має свою мовну картину світу, в якій виявляється ментальність, характер особистості, психологія її ставлення до людей, предметів і діяльності; головна риса психології виховання особистості засобами мови відслідковується через розуміння органічного зв'язку нашого мови народу з його психологією, характером світосприймання, історією, культурою, врешті, з природою, де живе етнос; як багатонаціональна держава Україна характеризується взаємодією ментальностей і мов; державна ж мова може бути впроваджена лише через толерантне ставлення до мов національностей і культур; при цьому, в державі мають вільно функціонувати декілька мов регіонального статусу.