Suchergebnisse

International organizations increasingly use social media to target citizens with an abundance of content, which tends to stylize officials across ranks as the "personal face" of institutional processes. Such practices suggest a new degree of access to the every day of multilateralism that has traditionally taken place on camera and with the aid of diplomatic discretion. What is more, in these practices the intuitive truth of images on social media often blends with a more credible expression of emotional states—such as enthusiasm, sympathy, anger, or shame—which facilitates the legitimation of international organizations as credible agents of shared values and norms. At the same time, however, such personalization arguably suggests a problematic dependency on the credible conduct of international organization officials as it might undermine institutional claims to depersonalized "rational-legal" authority in international politics and local arenas of implementation alike. Also, it aggravates existing problems of decoupling action in global governance from its political symbolism, because international organizations use social media by and large to communicate "top-down," despite claiming a more personal mode of communication among peers. To illustrate this argument, the article takes on content shared by leading officials of the UN, the IMF, the WHO, and the WTO on Twitter.

In the 1970s, Taiwan lost its United Nations seat, and most nations switched diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to the People's Republic of China (PRC). The loss of Taiwan's diplomatic recognition became a fundamental issue in judicial proceedings. Contrary to the PRC's claim, the article argues that, from the viewpoint of international law, Taiwan has never been succeeded by the PRC. The article explores the Taiwan question faced by foreign courts and finds that, albeit the lack of diplomatic recognition, the courts around the world have almost uniformly accorded Taiwan the status of state and this judicial recognition has risen to the level of customary international law. As for the standing of Taiwan before the international courts, the article analyzes whether Taiwan, as a non-UN member, may be granted standing before the International Court of Justice. The article also argues that Taiwan, as a fishing entity, has the right to access the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. Furthermore, Taiwan's status as a separate customs territory in the World Trade Organization enables the nation to utilize the dispute settlement mechanism. The article concludes that, to avoid the judicial black hole in terms of global justice, it is both necessary and pragmatic to deem Taiwan a state in all judicial proceedings.

The growing role of state development agencies in international economics is discussed using data culled from state & territorial (Virgin Islands & Puerto Rico) agencies themselves, the National Assoc of State Development Agencies, & media sources. Findings on state development agencies' staff & economic resources, proportion of total agency work devoted to international activity, return on investments, & emphasis placed on exports or imports indicate that international activity is growing for the 40+ states that conduct such activity. Economic impact on the states includes: securing & protecting jobs, widening the tax base, & increasing or securing state political power & prestige. An examination of the relationship between these agencies & the federal government, assessed through interviews with federal officials from the Depts of State & Commerce, reveals that while the states are actively seeking international economic activity, the federal government's attitude is one of either neutral facilitation (State Dept) or active promotion (Commerce Dept). There is no centralized effort to control state international activity through creating federal policy, nor does the government appear to be aware of the exact nature & magnitude of it. The possibilities of a "reverse MNC (multinational corporation) effect," whereby foreign investors would come to control substantial portions of the domestic economy, are examined & largely discredited, though cautionary measures have been taken by the federal government. 5 Tables. K. Hyatt.

Surprisingly little is known about agenda setting for international development in the United Nations (UN), despite it having a significant influence on the process and outcomes of development efforts. This paper addresses this shortcoming using a novel approach that applies natural language processing techniques to countries' annual statements in the UN General Debate. Every year UN member states deliver statements during the General Debate on their governments' perspective on major issues in world politics. These speeches provide invaluable information on state preferences on a wide range of issues, including international development, but have largely been overlooked in the study of global politics. This paper identifies the main international development topics that states raise in these speeches between 1970 and 2016, and examine the country-specific drivers of international development rhetoric.

This article examines the legal status of queer rights in Caribbean jurisprudence. It conducts an analysis of Caribbean queer rights case law, in order to arrive at an understanding of the extent and dynamics of constitutional protection for these rights. It then uses the revelations from this analysis to determine how Caribbean queer rights jurisprudence has intersected with international human rights norms, values and rules. Finally, the article applies the TWAIL methodological approach to international law to argue that the Caribbean queer rights jurisprudence has not so far reflected the counter-hegemonic, resistance, anti-imperialist discourse that TWAIL champions, in spite of the socio-cultural and political Caribbean realities of homophobia. This homophobia mirrors some of the key conceptual notions and impulses of the TWAIL critique of international human rights law. I further argue that TWAIL, in spite of a number of its concerns about some of the norms and values found in international human rights law, including those related to gay rights, can nevertheless accommodate equality-seeking queer rights/human rights, if the core assumption is that queer rights ultimately are about the rule of law and democracy. I conclude that even though Caribbean courts are at an infancy in their reach to protect queer rights on the premise of international human rights norms, they have nevertheless certainly taken a leap of faith on an equality- preserving trajectory. Dans le présent article, nous examinons le statut juridique des droits des personnes gaies dans la jurisprudence des pays des Caraïbes. Nous analysons cette jurisprudence afin de comprendre l'étendue et la dynamique de la protection constitutionnelle de ces droits dans ces pays. Nous utilisons ensuite les données tirées de cette analyse pour examiner les rapports entre cette jurisprudence et les normes, valeurs et règles internationales en matière de droits de la personne. Enfin, nous appliquons l'approche méthodologique utilisée par le mouvement TWAIL (Third World Approaches to International Law) pour soutenir que la jurisprudence relative aux droits des personnes gaies dans les pays des Caraïbes n'a pas jusqu'ici tenu compte du discours anti-hégémonique et anti-impérialiste que le mouvement TWAIL défend, malgré les réalités socioculturelles et politiques de l'homophobie qui existe dans les Caraïbes. Cette homophobie reflète certaines des principales notions au cœur de la critique du droit international en matière de droits de l'homme effectuée par TWAIL. Je soutiens en outre que TWAIL, malgré plusieurs de ses préoccupations au sujet de certaines normes et valeurs du droit international en matière de droits de la personne, y compris celles liées aux droits des personnes gaies, peut néanmoins accommoder les droits de ces personnes qui revendiquent l'égalité, si l'hypothèse de base est que leurs droits reviennent en fin de compte à une question de primauté du droit et de démocratie. Je conclus que même si les tribunaux dans les pays des Caraïbes n'en sont qu'à leurs premiers pas dans la protection des droits des personnes gaies sur la base des normes internationales des droits de la personne, ils ont néanmoins fait un acte de foi en faveur de la préservation de l'égalité.