Suchergebnisse

AbstractAnecdotal evidence suggests that Muslim American women who wear the hijab may be particularly vulnerable to the experiences of stigmatization because the hijab represents one of the most obvious and dominant markers of "otherness." Yet, extant research has surprisingly neglected to systematically examine how such external markers of difference can increase perceptions of discrimination. Drawing from two nationally representative datasets, we examine perceived discrimination among Muslim Americans, and find that veiled women report experiencing both societal and institutional discrimination at much higher rates than their counterparts. In fact, our findings show that the hijab is one of the most important predictors of self-reported discrimination amongallMuslim Americans. Interestingly, however, we also find that men are more likely than women to perceive discrimination once we account for the role of the hijab. Our analysis makes an important contribution to existing research by highlighting the unique experiences of a religious minority group and identifies one important and previously underexplored mechanism by which individuals may be targeted for discrimination—the hijab.

"Der Beitrag stützt sich auf eine empirische Untersuchung, die vom Institut für Politische Wissenschaft und der Arbeitsgruppe Interdisziplinäre Sozialstrukturforschung (agis) der Universität Hannover in Kooperation mit der Evangelischen Akademie Loccum durchgeführt wurde. Thematisch bildete der so genannte Bindungsverlust der Kirche den Ausgangspunkt, das heißt die zurückgehende Beteiligung an kirchlichen Arbeitsformen sowie die offenbar nachlassende Bedeutung kirchlich-religiöser Orientierungen. Erstmalig wurden diese Phänomene nach dem Ansatz der 'sozialen Milieus' (vgl. Vester u.a. 2001) und der Habitus- und Feldtheorie von Pierre Bourdieu (vgl. 1982; 1987) untersucht. Aufgrund dieses Konzeptes gingen die Verfasser davon aus, dass die Beziehung der Milieus zu Kirche und Religion vielschichtig und durch die häufig verwendeten Begriffe wie 'nah' oder 'fern' nicht hinreichend ausgedrückt ist. Eine der Fragen war auch, ob die von Klaus von Bismarck (1957) festgestellte 'Milieuverengung' der Kirche (vgl. auch Ebertz 1997) nach wie vor besteht bzw. welches Gesicht sie heute hat?" (Textauszug)

This work is about the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its ascent to become one of the most formidable entities in Iran and the Middle East. It follows the organization from its birth in the midst of the 1979 revolution through the succeeding decades of the Islamic Republic's maturation.

Throughout history, there have been connections between religion and politics in Belgium. Still, abortion, euthanasia, same-sex marriage, research on embryo are examples of life and death issues that trigger vivid debates. They may even challenge the stability of a political system, especially when it undergoes a federalization process. Political parties are key players to find a compromise. The churches and the secular actors accept the public regulation as long as their values are not at stake. Therefore, policy change regarding morality issues is mainly focus on policy instruments rather than on core beliefs. Such a strategy by decision-makers leave the traditional cleavages untouched. It ensures social quietness during the framing and the implementation of the public policies. In Belgium, demonstrations related to morality issues do not breach law and order as in France or Spain, for instance. Even the Belgian Catholic Church partially outpaces the Roman Catholic Church.

Throughout history, there have been connections between religion and politics in Belgium. Still, abortion, euthanasia, same-sex marriage, research on embryo are examples of life and death issues that trigger vivid debates. They may even challenge the stability of a political system, especially when it undergoes a federalization process. Political parties are key players to find a compromise. The churches and the secular actors accept the public regulation as long as their values are not at stake. Therefore, policy change regarding morality issues is mainly focus on policy instruments rather than on core beliefs. Such a strategy by decision-makers leave the traditional cleavages untouched. It ensures social quietness during the framing and the implementation of the public policies. In Belgium, demonstrations related to morality issues do not breach law and order as in France or Spain, for instance. Even the Belgian Catholic Church partially outpaces the Roman Catholic Church.

Early Christianity viewed religion and politics as largely separate; early Islam viewed them as largely concurrent. But from the eighth to the eleventh centuries each modified their original position, so that they almost converged. However, they subsequently diverged again. This was because, in the West, political thought became secularised following the eleventh‐century papal reform movement and then the Protestant Reformation. Muslim thinkers, on the other hand, beginning with al‐Mawardi (974–1058), sought to restore the subsumption of politics into religion, notably during the sixteenth‐century Shi'ite revolution in Iran. While today the West views religion and politics as largely separate categories, Muslims see them as necessarily intertwined; attempts to separate them have so far largely failed. Hence Muslim political thought is based primarily on revelation (interpreted in various ways), while Western political thought is based on philosophy.