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Includes index. ; Based in large part on the Lexicon bibliographicum et enciclopedicum of Hājī Khalfah (i.e. Kâtip Çelebi). ; First published in Paris, 1697. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Volume 2 of this set bound with: Bibliothèque orientale, ou, Dictionnaire universel, contenant tout ce qui fait connoître les peuples de l'Orient. Leurs histoires & traditions, tant fabuleuses que véritables . / par C. Visdelou et A. Galand. Maestricht : J.E. Defour, 1780. ; Library's copy is bound in 2 v., in old mottled paper-covered boards; mottled leather spines; title-page bound with second volume.

This thesis is an attempt to gain a better understanding of how institutions ; whether formal or informal ; influence individual- and societal-level economic choices ; especially in the Muslim-majority countries. It consists of six research papers that contribute to the economic analysis of institutions. The first paper ; published in the Journal of World Intellectual Property in 2011 ; investigates the relationship between intellectual property piracy and religiosity in several Muslim-majority countries. The second paper ; published in Constitutional Political Economy in 2013 ; focuses on the future of constitutionalism in Arab Spring countries by analyzing a unique Islamic constitution from a rule of law perspective. Another paper published in a collective volume tackles the relationship between business ethics and economic systems in Muslim-majority countries. The fourth paper is a novel application of economic analysis to Islamic criminal law ; as it analyzes the marginal deterrence in Islamic criminal law of theft. The fifth paper ; which is currently under second round review from Journal of Economics and Statistics ; empirically investigates the relationship between the religiously induced internalized values of individuals in 78 countries and their specific attitudes toward corruption using World Value Survey data. In the sixth and final paper of my dissertation ; I empirically investigate the long-term relationship between the legacy of slavery and contemporary violent crime in USA. Paper 1 (with Nora El-Bialy): "Can Shari'a be a Deterrent for Intellectual Property Piracy in Islamic Countries?" examines the stance of Islamic legal traditions (Shari'a) towards intellectual property (IP) piracy. Although Muslims may differ on what Shari'a dictates ; most of them view Shari'a as God's law and as a main ingredient of Islamic belief system. Since piracy rates in Muslim-majority countries are considerably high in light of existing formal IPR laws ; it becomes essential to test if Shari'a has any relation with such phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that ; although Muslim countries have formal institutions or laws that protect intellectual property rights (IPR) ; little attention is given to informal institutions ; or human morals ; regarding IPR piracy ; which negatively affects the enforcement level of IPR laws in these countries. Muslims may not be convinced that IPR violations ; although illegal ; are unethical or forbidden by Islamic Shari'a. In order to test the level of adherence of Muslims to Shari'a to support our hypothesis ; we develop a "religious loyalty" index (RLI). Comparing adherence of followers of different religions with those of Islam ; Muslim countries have the highest religiosity level ; positively affecting obedience level to Shari'a. Consequently ; an investigation of how Shari'a views IPR piracy is conducted. As Islam generally prohibits IPR piracy ; the study concludes by offering a set of policy recommendations that can effectively help in minimizing IPR piracy in Muslim countries. Paper 2: "Islamic Constitutionalism and Rule of Law: A Constitutional Economics Perspective" investigates the relationship between constitutionalism from an Islamic perspective and the concept of rule of law. Al Azhar ; one of the oldest and most respected Sunni religious institutions in the world ; developed an Islamic constitution with the purpose of making it "available to any country that wishes to model itself after the Islamic Shari'a". Facing the differences among Islamic sects ; Al-Azhar's constitution preamble states that "the principles laid down in this constitution agree with those shared between the Islamic schools of law to the utmost extent possible". Since its completion in 1978 ; this Islamic constitution received little attention from policy makers in Muslim-majority countries as well as legal scholars worldwide. Only after the January 25 uprising did Islamic political movements in Egypt announce their desire to use this constitution as their proposed model for the upcoming Egyptian constitution. Having this in mind ; this study uses this constitution as a model of Islamic constitutionalism ; whereby its stance regarding rule of law is examined using six main principles: (1) separation of powers ; (2) clear and stable laws ; (3) judicial independence and judicial review ; (4) equal access to justice ; (5) the state is bound by the law ; and (6) protection of basic human rights. I find the Al-Azhar's constitution to be incompatible with essential concepts of rule of law. For example ; the powers vested in the head of the Islamic state are enormous ; making the executive branch of government far superior to the legislative and judicial branches. Women and non- Muslims are explicitly discriminated against throughout the constitution. Moreover ; laws stemming from this constitution are not stable since many differences exist among schools of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). Consequently ; we show that state-of-the-art Islamic constitutionalism lacks essential components needed in any constitution based on rule of law. Paper 3 (with Helmut Leipold): "Wirtschaftsethik und Wirtschaftssysteme in islamischen Ländern" investigates if the Islamic ethics related to business and economics could offer a solution to deter future financial crises. For this purpose ; we investigate the principles of Islamic business ethics and Islamic business law. Our analysis shows that the principles of Islamic economic ethics resemble the objectives of the social market economy model. We further comparatively analyze the economic systems of members of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Although Islamic countries have heterogeneous economic structures ; we perceive that they are somewhat homogenous in their lack of democracy and their low levels of rule of law. Moreover ; the majority of Islamic countries can be categorized as rentier states. This is not surprising in countries where religion and state are in close alliance. The paper concludes that the principles of Islamic economic ethics do not offer a specific solution to prevent future financial crises. Paper 4: "Stealing more is better? An Economic Analysis of Islamic Law of Theft" is the very first attempt towards applying economic analysis to Islamic criminal law. Islamic criminal law offers two main punishments regarding theft ; hadd ; a fixed penalty that requires the amputation of the offender's right hand under certain conditions and ta'zir ; a punishment that is left to the discretion of the judge and is less severe than hadd. Deterrence is one of the main objectives for Islamic criminal law. However ; from the viewpoint of marginal deterrence and multiplier principles ; lesser crimes with low social harm are punished severely with hadd while crimes with high social harm are punished with ta'zir. Moreover ; as the probability of detection and sanction is less in crimes of high social harm ; criminals would have better incentive to commit the latter type of crimes. This study implies that if Islamic criminal law is introduced in Arab Spring countries in its current form ; crimes of high social cost are likely to become more frequent. A call for a modern reinterpretation and re-coding of Islamic criminal law of theft is essential for any successful attempt to apply Shari'a in Muslim-majority countries. Paper 5 (with Sang-Min Park): "Religious Loyalty and Acceptance of Corruption" investigates the relationship between religiously-induced internalized values of individuals and their specific attitudes regarding the acceptance of corruption. The dataset on which our study is based was collected by the World Values Survey from 164,209 individuals in 80 countries surveyed during a period of 13 years. We propose that individual attitudes towards corruption and religion are associated given certain societal and institutional contexts. Our results show that although there is a negative and statistically significant effect of religiosity on the acceptance of corruption on the individual level ; this effect is small. We find that there is a threshold value of religiosity below which corruption is more easily accepted by individuals. Our interpretation for this result is simple: individuals with minimal religiosity are generally less constrained by religious norms ; specifically ; religious norms that are opposed to corruption are less binding on these individuals ; resulting in them having a greater propensity to accept corruption. Religiosity ; therefore ; does lower the acceptance of corruption only when it exceeds a certain threshold for a specific individual. Paper 6: "The Long-Term Effect of Slavery on Violent Crime: Evidence from US Counties" is the first to empirically investigate the long-term relationship between slavery and violence in USA. Although qualitative evidence shows that slavery has been a key factor behind the prevalence of violence ; especially in South USA (Cash ; 1941 ; Franklin ; 1956 ; Gastil ; 1971 ; Wyatt-Brown ; 1986) ; no empirical evidence supports this claim so far. I propose that the proportion of slaves in a certain county in 1860 is positively correlated with the rate of violent crimes in 2000. As violence was extensively used to control slaves for hundreds of years ; a culture of violence was formed and persisted through time. Extending Engermann and Sokoloff's hypotheses (1997 ; 2002) ; I empirically examine two hypotheses: (1) slavery has a long-term effect on violent crime. (2) Such long-term effect is mainly transmitted through inequality. The results show that slavery in 1860 is positively associated with violent crime in 2000. Testing the second hypothesis ; I find that land inequality in 1860 has a long-term significant effect on contemporary violent crime.

How did the patronage activities of India's Vijayanagara Empire (c. 1346–1565) influence Hindu sectarian identities? Although the empire has been commonly viewed as a Hindu bulwark against Islamic incursion from the north or as a religiously ecumenical state, Valerie Stoker argues that the Vijayanagara court was selective in its patronage of religious institutions. To understand the dynamic interaction between religious and royal institutions in this period, she focuses on the career of the Hindu intellectual and monastic leader Vy?sat?rtha. An agent of the state and a powerful religious authority, Vy?sat?rtha played an important role in expanding the empire's economic and social networks. By examining his polemics against rival sects in the context of his work for the empire, Stoker provides a remarkably nuanced picture of the relationship between religious identity and sociopolitical reality under Vijayanagara rule.

Since 2011, Arab states have faced unprecedented challenges to their territorial integrity. Movements in Kurdistan, southern Arabia, and Cyrenaica have all made unilateral bids to secure administrative and coercive control over territory. While some disavow secessionism, their agendas for separation clearly undermine their respective parent state, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya. Added to this is the Islamic State (IS), intent on breaking all the borders of the region and establishing a new caliphate. It is easy to see the emergence and empowerment of these movements as steps in the crumbling of artificial colonially constructed states and the reassertion of more ancient and organic clan, sect, and tribal allegiances. Yet these movements represent less a reversion to primoridialism than a reassertion of claims to self-determination that had been overridden in the course of 20th-century state formation.

On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel ʿUmar Hasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallah declared that he was the expected mahdī, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. Even under colonial rule, in the years 1899–1955, Mahdism continued to flourish despite the fact that the British rulers treated it with suspicion and preferred Sayyid ʿAli al-Mirghani, leader of the more docile Khatmiyya Sufi order. The defeat of the Mahdist Umma Party in the first general elections in 1953, by a coalition of secularists and Khatmiyya supporters was only a temporary setback. After Sudan became independent, in 1956, Mahdist supremacy was challenged both by the Khatmiyya and other groups, but its mass support among the Ansar, a political Islamic movement, enabled them to gain control, except during brief periods when so-called secularists governed independent Sudan. This happened in 1953–56 when the Khatmiyya joined forces with the intelligentsia, and again between October 1964 and March 1965 when the country was governed by a secular, transitional, nonelected government that was ousted from power as soon as the sects regained control. Secularism also thrived briefly under the military dictatorship of Jaʿfar al-Numayri between 1969 and 1977.

The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God's warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.

The relationship between nash (text) and al-waqi' (the fact) both are territories that if mated will bring up a deeper understanding of komprehensip. The pattern in the text read according to ash-Syatibi there are three i.e. qira'ah salafiyyah qira'ah, ta'wiliyyah, and maqashidiyyah qira'ah. While in the area of al-waqi ' there are some disciplines that are used in understanding the phenomenon of social, political and other areas such as sociology, anthropology, and so on. Thus ideally when doing a reading of the text that is associated with the social phenomena should not leave the existing disciplines on the al-Waqi '. If not then an understanding of the text is out of date, so no aplicable. Thus ijtihad should always digelorakan and the door of ijtihad never closed. In this context, the science of ijtihad raiseth Usul Fiqh is a standard methodology has proved its role by Islamic thinkers like the priest sect in Islamic law, and digging in the field to the other, from the original sources (Qur'an and as-Sunnah). But nowadays the Islamic fiqh is considered barren because of the role of the framework teoritik the science of Usul fiqh is considered less relevant again to respond to contemporary problems. Then simply grounded if it appears a lot of bids for a new methodology of contemporary Islamic scholars in an attempt to dig out the original source of Islamic law to be adapted to the dynamics of the times. This fact can not be denied because the phenomenon of the global arrogance of modernity and industrialization has been menghegemoni the whole line of the lives of human beings so as to trigger the dynamics of contemporary Islam by all perangkat-perangkatnya including methodology Usul Fiqh (qawaid ushuliyah) methodology and the understanding of Fiqh (Fiqhiyyahi al-qawaid). This is a big job to be done in order to build the Islamic ideals of self (self image of Islam) in the midst of modern life that is constantly changing and evolving. In Indonesia over the past decades has appeared the development thinking of Islamic law that is adapted to the real conditions of life in Indonesia. This is effected by the realization that classical fiqh with the device its methodology have been unable to answer the question.

Abstract. This study discusses the social history and development of Shiite groups in Manado. It is known in Manado that there are Shi'ite religious groups with various organizations. This study wants to answer the question: how come and the development of Shi'ite followers in Manado. Start when it comes and develops. Who are the characters, and how they relate to similar flow groups in Indonesia. Through the method of observation and in-depth interviews with various parties involved in Manado and surrounding areas, this research found several important things including: the understanding or ideological thinking of the Shi'a sect has basically been accepted since the development of Islamic activism which was rolled out after the 1979 Iranian revolution. became a religious organization along with the opening of the taps of political reform in Indonesia, precisely in 2005 when the Shiite-based study groups began to develop in Manado. The acceptance of this group is mainly due to emotional closeness both in terms of kinship or other social relations between the group figures and their followers. The acceptance of this group is also due to the phenomenon of "curiosity" about the new flow that is opposed but it actually makes new followers get a new "interesting" understanding in religion. Meanwhile, the refusal of the sect was due to unbalanced information from actual Shiite sources. The Shi'a sect in Manado is not in an extreme Shia category that infiltrates, opposes and spread hatred towards other Islamic groups. With these findings, this study recommends that the Shiite sect is not a scourge or threat to Muslims in North Sulawesi. In fact, they must be embraced to cooperate in advancing Muslims in this region. Differences in furu or non-fundametal understandings should not be used as an excuse to marginalize this group of Muslims in Manado, North Sulawesi. Keywords: Syiah, Manado. Abstrak. Penelitian ini mendiskusikan tentang sejarah sosial dan perkembangan kelompok Syiah di Manado. Diketahui di Manado terdapat aliran kelompok keagamaan Syiah dengan berbagai organisasinya. Penelitian ini ingin menjawab pertanyaan: bagaimana datang dan berkembangnya penganut aliran Syiah di Manado. Mulai kapan datang dan berkembang. Siapa tokoh-tokohnya, dan bagaimana keterkaitannya dengan kelompok aliran serupa di Indonesia. Melalui metode observasi dan wawancara mendalam dengan berbagai pihak yang terkait di Manado dan sekitarnya, penelitian ini menemukan beberapa hal penting di antaranya : pemahaman atau pemikiran ideologis aliran Syiah pada dasarnya sudah diterima sejak berkembangnya aktivisme islam yang di gulirkan pasca revolusi Iran 1979. Namun baru berkembang menjadi organisasi keagamaan bersamaan dengan dibukanya kran reformasi politik di Indonesia, tepatnya tahun 2005 saat mulai berkembangnya kelompok-kelompok pengajian berpaham Syiah di Manado. Penerimaan yang terjadi terhadap kelompok ini utamanya karena kedekatan emosi baik secara kekerabatan atau hubungan sosial lainnya antara figur-figur kelompok tersebut dengan para pengikutnya. Penerimaan terhadap kelompok ini juga karena fenomena "penasaran" terhadap aliran baru yang ditentang tapi justru membuatpengikut baru mendapatkan pemahaman baru yang "menarik" dalam beragama. Sementara itu, penolakan-penolakan terhadap kelompok aliran ini lebih disebabkan karena informasi yang tidak seimbang dari sumber-sumber Syiah yang sebenarnya. Kelompok aliran Syiah di Manado bukan dalam kategori syiah ekstrim yang mengkafirkan, memusuhi, dan menyebarkan kebencian terhadap kelompok Islam lainnya. Dengan temuan ini, penelitian ini merekomendasikan agar kelompok aliran Syiah tidak dijadikan momok atau ancaman bagi umat Islam di Sulawesi Utara. Bahkan harus dirangkul untuk bekerja sama dalam memajukan umat Islam di Wilayah ini. Perbedaan pemahaman yang bersifat furu atau bukan fundametal janganlah dijadikan alasan unntuk meminggirkan kelompok ini dari bagian umat Islam di Manado Sulawesi Utara. Keywords: Syiah, Manado.

The fundamental objective of this research paper is to examine how interfaith dialogue can be an effective mechanism to combat the forces of radicalization and extremism in Bangladesh. To unveil the answer to this question, this study has explored the nature of the politicization of Islam and the scope of Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh. Reviewing the existing pieces of literature, this research paper has identified that there has been a rise in Islamic extremism since the beginning of the 21st century, which evolved throughout the last two decades changing in its nature and intensity. It has illustrated that after the military coup of 1975, the military rulers and the following democratic governments of Bangladesh carried on the tendency of politicizing religion and have used state mechanisms to Islamize Bangladeshi society. However, to address this recent trend of rising militancy, interfaith dialogue can be an effective approach that will shrink the potential of radicalization and extremism in Bangladesh. This study proposes incorporating an interreligious curriculum in the education system of Bangladesh and the engagement of religious preachers as well as mass people of different faiths including various sects of each religion in such interfaith dialogue initiatives to improve understanding and compassion.
Social Science Review, Vol. 40(1), Jun 2023 Page 165-184

The current difficulties and insurgency in Islamic states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) led this study to examine why this region has seen more volatility than any other region today. Furthermore, the unusual nature of the insurgency and turmoil in this region, particularlywhere Muslims oppose Muslims and Muslim regimes, makes one ask what is the cause. As a result,this study has attempted to analyze today's Muslim divisions through the lens of schisms in doctrinesand beliefs, which always lead to sectarian divisions. This paper takes a historical journey into the pastto explore the origins of the schisms and their consequences. The emergence of many ulama (or Ayatollahs and Sheikhs) shortly after the Prophet's death and over the centuries of Islamic religion, each with own claim to piety, teachings, and illuminations, has led to the emergence of many sects, each claiming to be more pious than the others and adhering to the precepts, teachings, and examples laid down in the Qur'an and set by Muhammad. The fundamental differences in ideas and interpretations are what have fueled and generated today's sectarian and religious difficulties and instability in MENA. As a result, this instability may continue for many years to come, especially when one group sees theothers not only as apostates, but also as an infidels who are divinely intended to be exterminated.

The emergence of various groups of schools of thought in Islam has given its own color in the Islamic religion. These thoughts arose after the death of the Prophet. There are several factors that cause the emergence of various groups with all of their thoughts. Among them are political factors as there has been a conflict between the Ali group with Muawiyah followers, so that it raises a new group, the khawarij group. Then came the other groups as a reaction from group one to another group. These groups have different thoughts from one another. Some are still in the corridor of the Qur'an and Sunnah, but there are also those who deviate from the two sources of Islamic teachings. There are those who hold the revelation, and some who put excessive reason so that it comes out of revelation. And there are also those who call themselves Ahlussunnah wal Jama'ah. As a reaction from a misguided firqah, at the end of the 3rd century H came a group known as Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah led by two great ulemas in Usuluddin, Sheikh Abu Hassan Ali Al Asy'ari who was the founder of the Ash'ariyah sect and Sheikh Abu Abu Mansur Al Maturidi as the founder of the Maturidiyah school. This Ash'ariah and Maturidiyah school is used in this discussion.Keywords: Epistemology, Asy'ariyah, Al-maturidiyah.

Based on the first-person narratives of young born-again Muslims in mid-2000s' Pakistan, this article points to several ways in which a renewed sociology of self-reform and faith-based activism could usefully draw more systematic attention to emotions. This empirical and inductive study first explores the role of emotions in the micro-foundations of re-Islamisation. It stresses the need to locate the emotive experiences that trigger this process, and sustain it through times and in opposition to others, in the body and the senses. It also discloses specific sensibilities, which, when linked to individual biographies, elucidate why potential followers are receptive, or not, to the various 'sensitising devices' deployed by Islamic organisations. In the second section, the expression of emotions is addressed in regard to its collective implications. Indeed, re-Islamisation often translates into rigid emotional boundaries separating the born-again from other communities, the 'Muslims by birth' and members of other sects. Reshaping togetherness is nevertheless not devoid of ambivalence: The young born-again Muslims I met in Pakistan were clearly torn between their contemptuous pleasure of occupying the moral high ground and the equally compelling aspiration to be tolerant and abide by the 'feeling rules' valued in Islamic ethics. They were also fully aware of the dangerous political implications of their feelings in a country disfigured by sectarian violence.

In 2011, a number of trends in Indonesian politics became clearer. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) has not become a more reformist and risk-taking president in his second term, contrary to the hopes of many, but has rather become more cautious, aloof and regal in style. He is irked by criticism and dislikes any disturbance to the authority of his rule. The political elite, often in concert with the SBY government, pushed through a range of democratically regressive measures, including allowing politicians to be appointed to the Elections Commission. The malaise within the party system deepened, with less than a quarter of the electorate professing any party affiliation. Most Islamic parties slid closer to the political periphery, and the largest one, PKS, was beset by controversy. Government and community responses to a brutal attack on the Ahmadiyah sect in early 2011 showed the limits of Indonesia's much lauded religious tolerance.

In 2011, a number of trends in Indonesian politics became clearer. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) has not become a more reformist and risk-taking president in his second term, contrary to the hopes of many, but has rather become more cautious, aloof and regal in style. He is irked by criticism and dislikes any disturbance to the authority of his rule. The political elite, often in concert with the SBY government, pushed through a range of democratically regressive measures, including allowing politicians to be appointed to the Elections Commission. The malaise within the party system deepened, with less than a quarter of the electorate professing any party affiliation. Most Islamic parties slid closer to the political periphery, and the largest one, PKS, was beset by controversy. Government and community responses to a brutal attack on the Ahmadiyah sect in early 2011 showed the limits of Indonesia's much lauded religious tolerance.