Suchergebnisse

Both celebrated and condemned, Ukrainian nationalism is one of the most controversial and vibrant topics in contemporary discussions of Eastern Europe. Perhaps today there is no more divisive and heatedly argued topic in Eastern European studies than the activities in the 1930s and 1940s of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). This book examines the legacy of the OUN and is the first to consider the movement's literature alongside its politics and ideology. It argues that nationalism's mythmaking, best expressed in its literature, played an important role. In the interwar period seven major writers developed the narrative structures that gave nationalism much of its appeal. For the first time, the remarkable impact of their work is recognized.

The author critically discusses the theses about the relation between literature and politics which were presented in Vojislav Stanovcic?s work ?A Contribution of the Historical and Literary Works to the Understanding of Political Phenomena?. The first part points to the basic concepts of knowledge, symbols, notions, truth, literature and politics. The second part includes the experimental analysis of the relation between literature and politics. The conclusion underlines the claim that there is no general knowledge about the link between literature and politics and that every specific relation should be discussed separately.

During the sixties and seventies, as a result of the Civil Rights and feminist movements, American literary scholars began to rediscover writers previously lost, forgotten or suppressed. Although this movement has made important contributions to our understanding of American experience, recent campus disputes have raised the question of whether such a movement can go too far. This talk will attempt to determine whether "political correctness' furthers or subverts the aims of literary criticism. Carol Andrews, Dept of Languages, Literature and Dramatic Arts.

This book explores the relationship between modern technological progress and classical liberalism. The compatibility of classical liberalism and technology is questioned, using fiction and film as a window into Western society's views on politics, economics, religion, technology, and the family.

The article proposes a method for literary analysis that is located at the intersection of Eliseo Verón's semiotics of circulation and the politics of literature in the wake of Jacques Rancière and Jean-François Hamel. This method takes into account the historical material conditions of textual production, as well as the historical material conditions of recognition in which interpretation occurs, thus overcoming the limits inherent to the immanentism of sociocriticism. It allows for both greater objectivity and reflexivity in analyzing signifying materialities or signs. Drawing on Wittgenstein, Verón, Peirce, and Bakhtin, the value and pertinence of the politics of literature is defended by emphasizing the importance of four main concepts: grammar, circulation, indexicality, and expressiveness. An analysis of Haï (1971) by J.M.G. Le Clézio illustrates the method, arguing in favor of the possible and desirable intertwinement of the politics of literature and decoloniality. Three main concepts stemming from decolonial studies are discussed in this context: codigophagy, colonial semiosis, and border thinking.

This essay considers the prominence of the word "movement," and of ideas of fluidity, displacement and mobility in different forms across Hannah Arendt's writings of the 1950s and 1960s. I argue that Arendt made significant use of uterature in order to make sense of a range of plitical movements, including Nazism, the student protest movement of the 1960s, and Black Power. She did so because she found political theory - and especially Marxist ideas of the state and of class interest — to be singularly incapable of making sense of the phenomenon of a political movement. Nazism was characterized, for Arendt, by an abandonment of any settled political ideology, as well as by a need to be perpetually on the move, and to move and displace those who were subject to its power. I argue that in the 1960s, Arendt drew attention to a different form of pliticcal movement — the motion that is accorded to political subjects by their emotions. I claim that this later argument prefigures more recent work in the field of emotion studies, while providing a model for a different understanding of an inter-disciplinary English studies, which is itself on the move.