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Potato (L. Solanum tuberosum) belongs to Solanaceae family. It
is the most important dicotyledonous tuber crop and possesses major
socio-economic importance worldwide. It is the fourth most cultivated
food crop after wheat, rice and maize in world. Potato is a good and
cheaper source of carbohydrates, vitamins, minerals and proteins and
also provides most of the trace elements, which can meet the energy
requirement of the people living in the developing countries like
Pakistan [Rahman (1986)]. About 325 million metric ton of potato is
produced annually throughout the world [World Book (2001)]. This crop is
financially more remunerative than cereals from food security and can be
recommended as a partial replacement of cereals.

Recent discussions on the 'social clause' have opened up a pandora's box. This article probes some of the salient issues raised in that debate by looking more specifically at how women's incorporation into the export‐oriented manufacturing sector has been interpreted by neo‐classical, institutionalist and feminist writers. The neo‐classical position, represented by the World Bank, remains strongly prescriptive but relatively weak in its analysis of the dynamics of female employment (i.e. its causes and implications) and the gendered nature of labour markets. There has been a much more constructive dialogue between institutionalist and feminist writers. The latter have emphasized the gendered nature of the labour contract, the significance of looking beyond the boss/worker dyad (i.e. at the conjugal/familial sphere) and the importance of listening to women workers' subjective assessments of their work and its meanings. At the more practical level, while improving the conditions of work remains an important agenda item, for the labour‐surplus developing countries the question of numbers (of jobs) may arguably take priority. It is thus important to avoid strategies which may impose a quantity–quality trade‐off. As such it may be useful to explore broad‐based social policies and redistributive measures that can ensure a higher standard of living for the workers without jeopardizing their jobs.

Focusing on policy feedback, this article examines the influence, four decades after its enactment, of Margaret Thatcher's 1980 'Right to Buy' (RtB) policy on today's social housing institutions in the UK. We argue that through interest-group feedback mechanisms, RtB helped expand and reinforce the UK landlord class. Furthermore, we assert that the policy pressures placed on local councils to embody housing within the welfare state contributed to a path-dependent, privatisation feedback mechanism. More generally, an analysis of the UK case is important as it could help us think about housing privatisation in terms of policy feedback and long-term historical legacies.

The issue of poverty is as old as economic development. A
significant quantitative research on poverty has been undertaken for
many decades all over the world in general and in developing countries
in particular. However the issue of urban poverty has not been addressed
effectively. Nevertheless urban poverty has until recently, been low on
the agenda of development policy not only in the developing world but
also in Pakistan because of dominant perception of urban bias and the
need to counter this with a focus on rural development policy. The
analysis of urban poverty is as necessary as the overall level of
poverty in the country. There are many causes and determinants of urban
poverty1 but distribution and management of economic and social
resources in poverty reduction cannot be ignored. It is internationally
recognised that poverty reduction and governance both are interrelated.
Bad governance has made poverty reduction efforts ineffective [Blaxall
(2000), Eid (2000) and Gupta, et al. (1998)], while poverty reduction
projects provide fertile ground for corruption.2 The consensus emerges
from this line of thinking is that good governance is necessary and
effective for poverty alleviation efforts.

Intro -- Financial Inclusion and Poverty Alleviation -- Foreword -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I Trends and Challenges Facing Financial Inclusion and Inclusive Development in Muslim Countries -- 1 Quality of Institutions and Inclusive Financial Development in the Muslim World -- Abstract -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Literature Review -- 1.3 Methodology -- 1.3.1 Empirical Model Specification -- 1.3.2 Econometric Methodology -- 1.3.3 Endogeneity -- 1.4 Data and Descriptive Analysis -- 1.4.1 Descriptive and Statistical Analysis -- 1.4.2 Correlation Analysis -- 1.4.3 Graphical Analysis -- 1.4.4 Data Diagnostic Tests -- 1.4.4.1 Model Specification Test -- 1.4.4.2 Multicollinearity Test -- 1.4.4.3 Normality Test -- 1.4.4.4 Hausman Test: Fixed Effects Model vs. Random Effects Model -- 1.5 Empirical Results and Discussion -- 1.5.1 Cross-Sectional Analysis -- 1.5.2 Panel Data Analysis -- 1.6 Conclusion -- References -- 2 Financial Intermediation, Development, and Access to Finance in an Islamic Environment -- Abstract -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Related Literature -- 2.3 Data and Methodology -- 2.4 Analysis of Results -- 2.5 Discussion and Robustness Checks -- 2.5.1 Impact of Economic and Human Development -- 2.5.2 Impact of Financial Development and Financial Intermediation Conditions -- 2.6 Conclusions -- Appendix. Definition of Variables -- References -- 3 Financial Inclusion for Women: Impact Evaluation on Islamic Microfinance to Women's Empowerment in Indonesia -- Abstract -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.1.1 Background and Rationale -- 3.1.2 Research Statement -- 3.1.3 Objectives -- 3.2 Literature Review -- 3.2.1 Islamic Views on Poverty -- 3.2.2 Islamic Views on Women Empowerment -- 3.2.3 Microfinance and Women Empowerment -- 3.3 Methodology -- 3.3.1 Methodological Framework -- 3.3.2 Sample Design and Selection Procedures

This study evaluates the impact of economic reforms on the social sector of Pakistan by constructing the index of economic reforms of the key sectors of the economy for the period 1971 to 2015 using ARDL. For analysis purpose two separate models have been estimated for poverty and income inequality. The results of the study reveal that economic reforms impact poverty and income inequality negatively and significantly. The negative relationship of economic reforms show that economic reforms are helpful for improving the social sector of Pakistan. Moreover, both the models also show convergence from short run to long run period. The foreign direct investment exerts positive impact on poverty and gross fixed capital has positive impact on both poverty and income inequality. The relationship between population growth and income inequality is positive and significant. Moreover, age dependency ratio and life expectancy reduces both inequality and poverty respectively in the long run. The role of crime appears to be insignificant in case of income inequality. The study suggests that government of Pakistan should formulate and implement pro poor policies and introduce reforms for providing health and educational facilitates. Furthermore, the introduction food subsidy to the poor will also be helpful in reducing the intensity of poverty and inequality in Pakistan.

In this article I propose to explore two issues. The first concerns what kinds of contributions academics can make to reducing poverty. I argue that academics can contribute in a number of ways, and I seek to spell out the diversity of the options available. I concentrate on four ways in which these contributions might differ.My second aim is to outline some norms that should inform any academic involvement in activities that seek to reduce poverty. I set out six proposals. These concern: (1) the need to construct coalitions among people with different ethical frameworks; (2) the value of constructing nonideal theory on the basis of our best understanding of an ideal world; (3) the need for integrated analysis that connects antipoverty initiatives to other areas of moral concern; (4) the vital importance of interdisciplinarity; (5) the need for epistemic modesty and revisability; and (6) the need for accountability.

Endogenous Development: The Perspective of Poverty Elimination in Poor Villages -- Poverty Situation in 100 Villages -- Poverty Governance and Village-level Assistance in 100 Villages -- Targeted Poverty Assistance in 100 Villages -- Targeted Poverty Alleviation in 100 Villages -- Poverty Alleviation and Endogenous Development in Poor Villages -- Experiences and Problems in Poverty Alleviation in 100 Villages -- Outlook and Policy Recommendations -- Village-level Poverty Relief and Alleviation: Results, Challenges and Recommendations -- Village Poverty Governance and Rural Governance -- Analysis of Income and Consumption of Households in Targeted Poverty Alleviation Villages -- Poverty Alleviation Through Employment and Social Security -- Current Situation of Education in Poor Villages, Effectiveness of and Suggestions on Poverty Alleviation through Education -- Status Quo, Problems, and Measures of Healthy Village Construction -- Poverty Alleviation by Developing the Eco-economy: A Win-Win Approach to Poverty Eradication and Ecological Conservation.

This article explores the income growth and poverty of rural Indian households, 1994–2005. The estimation strategy consists, first, of a convergence analysis to examine whether poor households are catching up in terms of income, which is then followed by a transition analysis to examine whether poor households are more likely to exit poverty than to remain poor—that is, to essentially test for whether poverty traps are escapable. The identification strategy explicitly addresses issues pertaining to the potential endogeneity and measurement error of initial income and poverty. We find evidence of both income convergence and poverty persistence, but with a higher probability of exiting poverty than of the remaining poor. This suggests that poverty traps, though existent, are not entrapping in rural India. The key variables driving these results are education, occupation and asset ownership. Finally, we discuss the policy implications and provide directions for future research in this area. JEL Codes: I32, J15, O15, O18, O47, Z12, Z13

Focusing on the construction and negation of disability allowances, this Article identifies and traces the roots of a fundamental tension that underlies disability politics with regard to disability allowances: are cash benefits an archaic and outdated form of assistance to disabled people, or are they still a relevant mode of response to their systematic marginalization and exclusion? Based on a field study of the Israeli disability community, the Article shows that while disability rights advocates tend to reject disability allowances as fundamentally wrong and to support the transformation of society's social structures, welfare activists tend to view disability allowances as a response to a pressing necessity, an expression of social responsibility, and a means to provide economic security for disabled people. The Article employs a disability legal studies framework to analyze the study's findings, attending primarily to questions of power and difference, and offering a framework that considers both perspectives as two authentic voices that express genuine concerns. At the same time, the analysis maintains that both approaches lack a more complex understanding of the relationships between disability and poverty, within which the meanings of disability allowances are negotiated. It concludes with a call to re-conceptualize disability allowance, as a form of compensation that redresses disabled peopleindividually and collectivelyfor society's past and present continuing practices of exclusion and discrimination. The struggles of disabled people over rights and allowances become a fascinating site from which to draw the critical lessons that disability activism has to offer to social theory.

El presente texto presenta insumos de las discusiones del grupo de investigación kavilando, en torno a la Medellín de hoy, en términos de pobreza; del cómo dicha categoría resulta ser un excelente lugar que ubica al grueso de la población como merecedora de intervención técnico-social, no para restablecer su dignidad y cambiar el sistema inequitativo de distribución de la riqueza, sino como un mecanismo que bien hace circular el presupuesto público hacia privados, con cara de altruismo, con el discurso de la inclusión, buscando demagógicamente hacer de los pobres nuevos consumidores, emprendedores, etc., dilatando así, la discusión esencial.

Utilizing data from the 2016 Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey, we undertake an empirical investigation into the influence of energy poverty on the health expenditure of Vietnamese households. Employing a double-hurdle model, our empirical findings reveal a negative relationship between energy poverty and health expenditure. Specifically, our results indicate that for each incremental unit increase in energy poverty, there is a substantial reduction of 42.5 percentage points in the overall health expenditure of the households. Furthermore, as energy poverty deepens, we observe declines of 24.6 percentage points and 45.5 percentage points in the expenses incurred for inpatient/outpatient care and self-treatment, respectively. To validate the robustness of our results, we conduct several sensitivity analyses, including propensity score matching, double/debiased machine learning. Across all these methods, our findings consistently underscore the significant and persistent adverse impact of energy poverty on the examined outcome variables. Additionally, to examine the underlying pathways, we conduct a structural equation modeling analysis and find that the relationship between energy poverty and health expenses is mediated by household hospitalization and expenditures on essential items, such as food and daily necessities.