Suchergebnisse

Death from hunger in the world may overcome the number of deaths in conventionalwar. Therefore, food should be considered a National Security core issue of anycountry. However, the concept of National Security has evolved in this directiononly with the end of the Cold War and a growing public awareness that globalchanges may exacerbate tensions related to food and water shortages. Accordingly,this paper presents a conceptual evolution of the food issue within the context ofNational Security. Brazil's situation is contrasted to international scenarios outlinedin an attempt to earn greater attention from the Ministry of Defense regardingBrazilian agriculture due to its important role in the five expressions of nationalpower.

The purpose of this article is to fulfil a comparative study of national security legislation, as well as the formation of conceptual foundation for its development and the elaboration of proposals for the improvement thereof with regard to Ukraine. The article analyses in comparative aspect the practice of the Republic of Lithuania as one of the European countries. In the context of globalization, the research focuses on international legal systems of both international and regional levels. The comparative legal analysis of the legal mea-sures to maintain national security revealed similarities in theoretical and methodological approaches. In the study, the author's definition of national security is given; and a typological model of the concept of national security is formed.

The Allied victory in World War II led to a feeling in the US of grandeur and omnipotence, as America became the most powerful country in recent history and US dollars were used to rebuild war-torn Europe. Russian acquisitiveness and ideology, however, soon changed the national euphoria to fear. As Washington reverberated with reports of a planned Communist monolith, national defence and negotiation from strength became the rallying cries of the country. This collection of essays explores the national security policies developed in response to this threat by the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. More pointed and analytic than any other book on the subject, it shows clearly that the makers of Cold War policy were motivated by assumptions of a global Soviet danger. It also examines the nature of US security policy and points to the growing gap between the ends of a global security policy - to protect Western democracy from the 'Red Menace' - and the means - a nuclear strategy with limited applications

The article analyzes new moments in Japan's national security policy introduced by the documents which have been adopted by the Japanese cabinet in December 2022 — National Security Strategy, National Defense Program Guidelines and Medium Term Defense Program. The main attention is paid to the depiction of the external security environment, and above all to the assessment of China and Russia as the countries of greatest concern from the point of view of security policy. Noting that the documents do not use the term "threat" in China's assessment, the author concludes that Japan takes a more cautious position than the United States, trying not to be drawn into a confrontation between superpowers. As for Russia, the greatest alarmism is expressed not in relation to its policy as such, but in relation to its potential blocking with China on an anti—Japanese basis — the main "nightmare" for Tokyo.
The article considers the issue of the "counter-offensive" missile potential provided for by the new strategy, which would allow Japan to strike at the enemy from a remote distance in the event of a direct threat to its security. The acquisition of such a potential has become particularly relevant for Japan in connection with the development of missile technologies of neighboring "hostile" countries — the DPRK and the PRC, as well as the general progress of missile weapons in the world, including the hypersonic ones. As part of the new approach, it is planned to create an integrated air and missile defense system that combines the capabilities of intercepting enemy missiles and counterattacking on strategic and military enemy targets.

An important change in the security policy will also be the acute increase in defense spending declared by the documents under review. The biggest problem lies in the unresolved issue of the financial sources of the defense budget, which must ensure the implementation of the adopted strategy.

This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment
and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.

This study is focused at studying the problem of the political and legal rationalization of the actions of government authorities in defining and proclaiming the category of "national interests" in the framework of the common interests of the international community and the common goals of the international security system for other participants in international communication.Aim. Eliminate methodological problems in defining the content of the terms "national security", "public security", "personal security", "constitutional order", "state" while institutionalizing interference in the internal affairs of other states.Tasks. To highlight and formulate the directions of concentration of efforts of state authorities in the movement of the nation towards its goals in relation to dangers, threats and risks.Methods. The state of the modern security environment testifies to the mobility of the content of national interests, and, therefore, there is a problem of determining the directions of concentration of efforts of a government to ensure them and proclaiming them for other participants in international communication. The allocation of categories of national interests is based on national security objects and on a comparative analysis of the necessary reactions of states to external and intranational threats and threats to private interests.Results. The study showed that the most important mission of government bodies is to continuously redefine dangers, threats and risks, and provide resources to counter them. Competition of states for a place in the hierarchy of the balance of power is inevitable, and, accordingly, the redefinition of vital, important, significant interests should also be carried out continuously. The directions of efforts of international actors can be explained in terms of how they do proclaim their national interests. One of the most obvious problems of modern political discourse is the endowment of the political mechanism "state" with subjectivity in the processes of determining national interests and ensuring the security of the nation, which is a serious methodological error, and which, in turn, was confirmed by the decision of the Nuremberg Tribunal. To ensure the survival of the nation as a result of political consensus, it is necessary to determine the main objects of concentration of efforts and necessary resources. Such errands include the declaration for other participants in international communication of certain "values" of the nation as its "vital" interests, to protect which its total resources will be allocated.Conclusion. The decision of the state authorities to take any action to interfere in the internal affairs of any state should be based on the determination of the fact, which is, of course, conditioned not by the thresholds and "red lines" declared by the state, but by the state of the balance of power in international relations.

In the last few decades, the classical concept of national security as related predominantly to military aspects has given way to new elements of analysis. New sectors and actors in the framework of national security took the stage. Starting from the evolution of the concept of national security, this article presents the modalities through which citizens' perceptions of security issues have been studied to date. Moreover, it proposes a new approach for the exploration of this subject, which could take into account dimensions such as emotional responses to national security threats, which have been rarely systematically investigated.

This article analyzes the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of national security paradigms in the United States and reveals the impact of views and ideas put forward by U.S. neoconservatives on the formation of public administration, especially security goals in domestic and foreign policy. In particular, the role of Albert Walstetter, a well-known proponent of neoconservative views, in the formation of security concepts is discussed. The role of political philosopher Leo Strauss's political-philosophical and military-strategic approaches in the development of neoconservative ideology and the conceptual basis of modern security problems are theoretically analyzed. It is emphasized that the assessment of the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of security policy in the development of political processes related to public administration in the United States depends on understanding the content of formed neoconservative security concepts. Based on the predominance of national interests based on national security approaches in the ideology of neoconservatism, the influence of neoconservatism on the interpretation of international relations as a highly conflicted, the anarchic environment is revealed in the formation of the neoconservative paradigm of security. In the following periods, the implementation of Albert Walstetter and Leo Strauss's military-strategic ideas under the influence of neoconservatives in the US administration, in particular, the practice of proposing to continue the foreign policy course on the use of military force as a factor of national security.

This essay argues that the logic of President Obama's national security rhetoric is based upon, and oriented by, the logic of American masculinity, and more specifically by the forms of presidential masculinity that have structured national security thinking in our political culture since World War II. His December 2009 decision to escalate military violence in Afghanistan is testimony to the enduring power a national mythology grounded in narratives of glorified violence and masculinity. Methodologically, the essay combines the critical resources of feminist International Relations scholarship with Rhetoric and the close-reading of texts.