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The European Union should be well-placed to exercise influence at the United Nations, as it is endowed with many material and ideational power resources that could enable it to win approval for its positions and proposals. Yet it encountered hostility when it sought enhanced observer status in the General Assembly and it has often been isolated at the Human Rights Council. The EU's failures to translate its putative power resources into influence in international affairs are often attributed to a lack of unity within the EU, but even when the EU is united at the UN, it may not win support. To help explain why, this article focuses on the UN as a locus of the international politics of legitimization, where UN Member States seek approval for their positions and policies, and base their appeals for support on competing principles and values.

Cover -- The Challenge of Good Governance: An introduction -- References -- Part One: Change of the paradigms: From government to good governance? -- Chapter 1: Approaches to (good) governance in the European Union -- Introduction -- Good Governance: Evolution of a concept -- Governance in the EU: How good is it really? -- EU good governance and potential performance deficiencies -- Good governance and democratic legitimacy -- Exporting Good Governance? -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 2: Good Governance and Public Administration -- Conclusions and recommendations -- References

Part one. The evolution of the EU. 1. Parameters of European Integration; 2. Enlargement -- Part two. Institutions. 3. The European Commission; 4. The European Council; 5. The Council of Ministers; 6. The European Parliament; 7. The European Court of Justice; 8. Checks and balances -- Part three. Policies. 9. The single market and competition; 10. Regional policy and cohesion; 11. The common agricultural policy (CAP); 12. Economic and Monetary Union (EMU); 13. Justice and home affairs; 14. Common foreign and security policy; 15. Trade and the common commercial policy; 16. Environment; 17. The sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone. -- Outlook: the future of European Integration

"Presents a comprehensive study of Italy's role in the European Union and what that country needs to do as a 'medium-sized power' to increase its influence in the EU, chiefly by putting forward well-defined goals and consistent strategies through credible actors"--Provided by publisher

1. The EU and the precarious routes to political, economic and social resilience. By Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Per Ekman, Anna Michalski and Lars Oxelheim -- 2. Improved Framework Conditions for a More Entrepreneurial, Innovative and Resilient EU. By Niklas Elert and Magnus Henrekson -- 3. Towards a climate-neutral union by 2050? The European Green Deal, Climate Law, and Green Recovery. By Karin Bäckstrand -- 4. Legal preconditions for an environmentally sustainable European Union. By David Langlet -- 5. COVID-19 and the EU's ability to manage and prevent health crises. By Louise Bengtsson -- 6. The Demographic Challenge Facing the EU Roads to Sustainability in an Ageing Europe. By Titti Mattsson -- 7. How Can a Banking Union Make the EU More Resilient to Crises?. By Jens Forssbæck -- 8. EU Resilience in the Internal Market after Financial Crisis: Political Resolve and Legal Responsiveness. By Carl Fredrik Bergström -- 9. Immigration and Asylum in the EU: A Resilient Policy for Integration?. By Karin Borevi -- 10. Intra-European labour migration for a resilient EU. By Erik Sjödin and Eskil Wadensjö -- 11.Conclusion. The EU and the search for sustainability and resilience. By Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Per Ekman, Anna Michalski and Lars Oxelheim.

Der Beitrag beleuchtet den möglichen Einfluss nationaler Minderheiten im politischen Entscheidungsprozess nach der EU-Erweiterung. In einem ersten Schritt wird zunächst das Mehrebenenmodell der Governance in der EU beschrieben, wodurch lokale und regionale Autoritäten eine stärkere Rolle in der EU-Politik einnehmen. So gliedert sich das politische System in drei Ebenen: die Ebene der Supranationalität, die Ebene der Mitgliedsstaaten sowie die Ebene der Regionen. Ferner werden die Begriffsbestimmung der so genannten nationalen Minderheitenregion (NMR) formuliert und die NMR-relevanten Themen im EU-Handlungskontext dargestellt. Der zweite Schritt umfasst die Grundzüge der 'Dritte-Ebene-Politik' der NMRs und deren Institutionen. Dazu gehören (1) das Komitee der Regionen, (2) die Kohäsionspolitik der EU, (3) Parteikoalitionen nationaler Minderheiten, (4) die Repräsentation in Brüssel sowie (5) die praktizierte Para-Diplomatie. Der dritte Schritt stellt sodann die bekanntesten NMRs in Europa vor, und zwar die flämische bzw. wallonische Gemeinschaft in Belgien. Im Anschluss folgen neben der Bretagne (Frankreich) neu hinzugekommene NMRs im Zuge der EU-Erweiterung in Estland, Lettland, Polen, Rumänien, Slowakei, Zypern und der Türkei. NMRs repräsentieren sowohl starke soziale als auch antagonistische kulturelle Kräfte in der EU. Somit haben die nationalen Minderheiten aufgrund ihrer Fähigkeit zur politischen Mobilisierung durchaus die Möglichkeit, die politische Landschaft der EU nachhaltig zu prägen. (ICG2)

'Institutioneller Wandel bzw. institutioneller Transfer in einer sich erweiternden Europäischen Union wird streng genommen erst dann ein staats- und sozialwissenschaftliches Thema, wenn man unter dem institutionellen Aspekt der Erweiterung nicht nur Anpassungsschemata für die Erfüllung der Erfordernisse des Gemeinsamen Markts versteht, sondern wenn man auch fragt, welche Abgleichungen von Problemwahrnehmungen, von sozialen Normen, von soziokulturell programmierten Standardoperationsverfahren und von Europagedanken erfolgen müssen. Im Rahmen der Diskussion über Governance in Europa betrifft das die Dimension der reflexiven Institutionalisierung. Die Assoziierungspolitik sowie die Beitrittsstrategie der EU werden vor diesem Hintergrund resümiert und bewertet. Dabei wird herausgearbeitet, zu welchen Problemen und spezifischen Beitrittskonflikten es führt, wenn die Union zu wenig Gewicht auf die reflexive Komponente ihrer Erweiterung legt.' (Autorenreferat)

Collective Action in the European Union is the first ever systematic investigation of collective action issues at the EU level itself. Bringing together an impressive array of EU and interest group scholars to investigate a key issue in European political economy, this study considers whether collective action is driven at the European transnational level by rational, utility maximising behaviour, or whether explanations couched in social terms are more convincing. The first chapters identify and address wider issues in transnational collective action. Later chapters apply these issues to specific domains, such as business, the professions, consumers, and environmental interests.

Today, there is a broad international consensus on the need to ensure carbon neutrality and, more broadly, to address global environmental issues. By promoting increasingly stringent ecological standards and climate regulations in the energy sector and consistently forcing others to emulate its example, the European Union seeks to present itself as a normative power in this area. At the same time, the EU leaders face the need to mobilize public support for the idea of the sustainable climate-oriented transition in order to mitigate its negative economic and social effects. This, in turn, requires the construction and promotion of the compelling and unambiguous energy transition narrative designed to legitimize the EU's environmental and energy policy. This paper identifies and examines the key elements of such a narrative propagated within the European Union, as well as assesses its perception by various groups of the European countries' population. The author also outlines a few alternative 'greentransition' narratives, which have arisen as a reaction to both the deficiencies of the EU's energy policy and the challenges posed by the Ukrainian crisis. The author concludes that the EU leaders and the non-governmental and non-profit actors backing them have managed to build a broad and solid public consensus around the official narrative of the energy transition. Under these conditions, one of the central objectives facing the EU leaders is to maintain and strengthen the attained level of public support for its policies, given new transition-related challenges to the territorial integrity and political cohesion of the union. The latter include high inflation rates and the general rise in the cost of living, negative tendencies in the labor market due to its structural transformation, as well as the growing economic heterogeneity of the member states.

Einstellung zur Europäischen Union und zum EU-Beitritt Kroatiens.