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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures, Tables and Boxes -- Acknowledgements -- List of Contributors -- Introduction -- PART ONE CONCEPTUAL CHALLENGES FROM PERSPECTIVES ON SPATIAL PLANNING PRACTICE -- Introduction to Part One -- 1 Governance, Space and Politics: Exploring the Governmentality of Planning -- 2 Informality and the Politics of Planning -- 3 Coexistence: Planning and the Challenge of Indigenous Rights -- 4 Problematizing Planning: Critical and Effective Genealogies

Wprowadzenie do tomu Perspektywa Foucaultowska we współczesnej refleksji badawczej składa się z dwóch części. Celem pierwszej z nich jest zwięzłe zaprezentowanie głównych kierunków współczesnych inspiracji bogatym dorobkiem Michela Foucaulta, do których należą między innymi studia nad biopolityką, rządomyślnością/urządzaniem (governmentality), krytyczne analizy neoliberalizmu, analiza dyspozytywu oraz refleksja nad kategoriami krytyki i parezji. W drugiej części charakteryzowany jest tematyczny zakres tomu, który odzwierciedla wieloaspektowość i wielowątkowość postfoucaultowskiej refleksji badawczej.

This paper distinguishes three ideal-type contexts in which comparisons are used: comparison as a contribution to disciplinary enquiry, as part of deliberately trying to learn lessons and as an essential element of a new form of governmentality concerned with ranking places in terms of social indicators. After offering examples of the way comparisons are employed (and criticised) in each of these exercises, the paper ends by discussing the overlap and feedback between them.

In this article, I examine the statements and actions of two key informants, both of whom direct welfare programs in a district of the former East Berlin. I argue that this evidence points to a particular modality of political rationalization, which I dub organizational discourse. The entanglement of organizational discourse and governmentality are explored, as is the place of organizational discourse within both the liberal welfare state and the bygone state socialist regime.

In einer genealogischen Perspektive denaturalisiert der Verfasser die unternehmerische Stadt als historisches Produkt gesellschaftlicher Machtverhältnisse und als Effekt veränderter diskursiver und sozialer Praktiken, die in der Verschränkung gouvernementalitätstheoretischer Ansätze mit materialistischer Gesellschafts- und Staatstheorie sichtbar werden. Während er mit Hilfe der materialistischen Gesellschafts- und Staatstheorie die Transformation und Reskalierung hin zu einem Wettbewerbsstaat, der Verantwortlichkeiten zunehmend auf Städte verlagert, als einen kriseninduzierten Suchprozess nach einer erneuten Stabilisierung kapitalistischer Regulation interpretiert, zeigt er mit Hilfe der "Governmentality Studies", wie ein Wissen erfunden sowie Subjekte produziert worden sind, welche städtisches Regieren unter postfordistischen Bedingungen möglich machen. Damit zeigt er, dass komplexe Prozesse der Hegemoniebildung erst in ihrer je auf den Fall bezogenen gesellschaftstheoretischen Engführung verstehbar werden. (ICE2)

Abstract
The contemporary investigations on power, politics, government and knowledge are profoundly influenced by Foucault's work. Governmentality, as a specific way of seeing the connections between the formation of subjectivities and population politics, has been used extensively in anthropology as neoliberal governmentalities have been spreading after the 1990s all over the world. A return to Foucault can help to clarify some overtly ideological uses of 'neoliberalism' in nowadays social sciences.

Orientado por los estudios en gubernamentalidad, el artículo aborda el tratamiento político de los soldados argentinos sepultos en Malvinas como problematización gubernamental. El texto está dividido en dos partes. En la primera se desarrolla el enfoque WPR que interroga las políticas públicas a partir de la forma en que los problemas son representados, es decir no tomando a la política como un ámbito de resolución sino de creación de problemas como modo de hacer inteligible su espacio de acción y posibilitar las prácticas de gobierno. En la segunda parte se aborda una serie de textos políticos producidos desde el Estado argentino entre 1982 y 2015 que problematizaron el estatus de los cuerpos enterrados en Malvinas, su identificación, su relación con la soberanía y simultáneamente la posibilidad de que sus deudos puedan llevar a cabo el rito del duelo. Concluimos mostrando que el modo de presentar el problema de los caídos y sepultos no varió desde las primeras propuestas militares, pese a la estabilización de la democracia en el país. ; Oriented by the studies on governmentality, this paper analyzes the emergence of the Argentine soldiers buried in the Falklands as governmental problematization. In the first part we develop the WPR approach that interrogates the political proposals as discourses, based on the ways in which the problems are represented, that is, not taking politics as a sphere of resolution but of creating problems in order to make intelligible its space of action and government. In the second part we approach a series of policies texts produced between 1982 and 2015 that focused on problematizing the status of the bodies interred in Malvinas, their identification, their relationship with sovereignty and simultaneously the possibility that their relatives can carry out the ritual of mourning. We concluded by showing that the way of presenting the problem of the dead and buried did not vary from the first military proposals, notwithstanding the stabilization of democracy

Frente a una visión de la evolución de la penalidad contemporánea asentada sobre la identificación de giros evidentes y palpables, tanto la tradición foucaultiana de los estudios de gubernamentalidad (governmentality) como la lectura bourdieusiana sobre el campo burocrático interpretan las transformaciones de las formas de castigo desde una aproximación más compleja. Desde estos enfoques, las lógicas y prácticas punitivas actuales son producto de mutaciones incompletas, fragmentarias e, incluso, contradictorias en las que persisten elementos del pasado, se introducen nuevas dinámicas y otras modifican su forma de operar. Asimismo, las académicas feministas han evidenciado las lógicas de género y raza que subyacen al ejercicio del poder penal en sus discursos y prácticas. Desde los inicios del siglo XXI, el sistema penitenciario español (en concreto, el gobernado por la Administración General del Estado) ha experimentado la expansión generalizada del programa denominado Módulos de Respeto (MdR). El propósito de esta comunicación es analizar las principales transformaciones que ha experimentado el ejercicio del poder punitivo en España a raíz de la implementación de este nuevo programa y explorar cómo operan las dinámicas de género, raza y nacionalidad dentro de este nuevo sistema. In contrast to a vision of the evolution of the contemporary penality based on the identification of evident and palpable turns, both the Foucaultian tradition of governmentality studies and the Bourdieusian reading on the bureaucratic field interpret the transformations of forms of punishment from a more complex approach. From these approaches, the current punitive logic and practices are the result of incomplete, fragmentary and even contradictory mutations in which elements of the past persist, new dynamics are introduced and others modify their way of operating. Likewise, feminist academics have evidenced the logic of gender and race that underlies the exercise of penal power in their discourses and practices. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the Spanish penitentiary system (specifically, the one governed by the General State Administration) has experienced the widespread expansion of the program called Respect Modules (MdR, Spanish acronym). The purpose of this paper is to analyze the main transformations that the exercise of punitive power has experienced in Spain as a result of the implementation of this new program and to explore how the dynamics of gender, race and nationality operate within this new system.

Sata kuntaa riittää , Puolet pois! ja Lopulta kuntia voi olla vain 30. Tutkimuksen aiheena on 1990-luvun alusta 2000-luvun puoliväliin käyty kuntarakennetta koskeva julkinen keskustelu. Keskustelua näkökohtineen, vaatimuksineen ja osapuolineen tarkastellaan totuuden politiikan kautta. Kiinnostuksen kohteena on se, miten tuotetaan ne totuudet, joilla perustellaan kuntarakenteeseen kohdistuvia vaatimuksia. Tutkimuksen aineisto muodostuu kuntaliitoksia käsittelevistä sanomalehtikirjoituksista. Tutkimuksen perusteella kuntarakennekeskustelun solmukohdassa käydään kamppailua tehtävien, voimavarojen ja kuntarakenteiden keskinäisestä suhteesta. Kunnille osoitettujen tehtävien ja voimavarojen merkitys on kansantaloudellisesti ja jakopoliittisesti keskeinen. Voimavaroissa tai tehtävissä tunnistettu muutos käynnistää tarpeen sopeuttaa kahta muuta elementtiä. Muutosvaatimukset ovat kytkeytyneet myös poliittisen vallanjaon jännitteisiin eli puolueiden valtapoliittisiin asemiin kuntakentässä. Kamppailu oikeista tulkinnoista, määritelmistä ja näkökulmista eli totuudesta ilmenee puhe- ja ajattelutavoissa eli diskursseissa. Kuntarakennekeskustelua hallitsee puhetapa, joka on nimetty valtadiskurssiksi. Sen keskeisenä päämääränä on kuntarakenteen uudistaminen suurempien kuntien muodostamiseksi. Kysymys on kuntien toimintaedellytysten ja voimavarojen vahvistamisesta. Keskeiseksi muodostuu kuntien toimintaympäristön muutos. Valtadiskurssissa kuntarakenteen uudistaminen asetetaan rahoituksen tai tehtävien uudelleenmäärittelyn edelle. Kun kuntien tehtävissä tai voimavaroissa tapahtuu muutoksia, rakenteiden tulee sopeutua näihin muutoksiin. Kuntarakenne näyttäytyy hallittavana , sen piirteitä voidaan mitata, arvioida ja muuttaa. Vastadiskurssiksi nimetty diskurssi syntyy reaktiona vaatimukselle kuntarakenteen muutoksesta. Vastadiskurssin lähtökohdista käsin pyrkimys kuntarakenteen muutokseen ei ole perusteltu. Kunnat nähdään historialtaan ja identiteetiltään ainutkertaisina itsehallinnollisina yhteisöinä, joilla on alueellinen itsemääräämisoikeus. Kunnan kehittämistä ja palveluja koskeva päätöksenteko halutaan säilyttää mahdollisimman lähellä kuntalaisia. Kuntaliitosten nähdään johtavan kehittämistoimenpiteiden ja palveluiden keskittymiseen eli hyvinvointivaltion paikalliseen alasajoon. Toimintaympäristön muutos edellyttää sopeutumista, mutta kuntaliitosten sijaan ratkaisuksi esitetään kuntien voimavarojen lisäämistä, tehtävien vähentämistä, kuntien yhteistyön lisäämistä ja muita palvelutuotannon tehostamiseen tähtääviä toimenpiteitä. Nykyiset kunnat ovat muodostuneet useiden vuosisatojen aikana monien vaiheiden kautta. Kuntia on yhdistetty ja niitä on jaettu. Muutoksia on perusteltu eri aikoina ajankohtaisilla kuntien tehtäviin ja taloudellisiin voimavaroihin kohdistuvilla haasteilla. 1990-luvun alussa kuntarakenteen muutostarve kytkettiin byrokratiaan ja lamaa seuranneeseen kunnallistalouden kriisiin. Vaatimus palvelujen tehokkuudesta ja byrokratisoituneen hallinnon virtaviivaistamisesta muodostui hyvin keskeiseksi. 1990-luvulta 2000-luvulle tultaessa alkoi korostua seutuistuminen, kuntien keskinäinen riippuvuus ja yhteistyö elinkeinojen kehittämisessä sekä palvelujen turvaamisessa. Samalla omaksuttiin kaksi erilaista sopeutumisstrategiaa eli pyrkimys edistää sekä kuntaliitoksia että seutuyhteistyötä. Kaksikärkinen strategia edusti kompromissia tilanteessa, jossa kunnat eivät olleet halukkaita liitoksiin. 2000-luvun puoliväliin tultaessa kuntarakennekeskustelussa tapahtui kuitenkin diskursiivinen muutos. Kuntarakenteen muutosta vaadittiin entistä voimakkaammin nimenomaan palvelujen turvaamiseksi. Kuntien taloudellisen aseman eriytyminen kiihtyi muuttoliikkeestä ja kuntien rahoitusperusteiden muutosten seurauksena. Uhkana olivat myös väestön ikääntymisestä ja palveluvaatimusten muutoksista johtuva palvelukustannusten kohoaminen. Kunnat näyttivät jakautuvan menestyviin ja menettäviin. Monien kuntien edellytykset palvelujen järjestämiseen olivat merkittävästi heikentyneet. Kuntien taloudellinen vastuullistaminen ja vaatimus elinvoimaisuudesta korostuivat. Julkisen talouden sopeuttamistarpeen ja kuntien palvelukustannusten kasvun myötä tehokkuuden rinnalle nousi vaatimus tuottavuuden kohottamisesta. Toimintaympäristön muutoksiin varautumisen katsottiin edellyttävän myös elinvoimaisuutta. Aiempina vuosikymmeninä valtion rahoitusta ohjattiin voimakkaasti infrastruktuurin ja palveluverkon ylläpitämiseen syrjäseudulla ja heikosti toimeentulevissa kunnissa. Tapahtuneessa muutoksessa on kysymys siitä, että yksi totuuden politiikka korvautuu toisella. Kuntien odotetaan kantavan vastuunsa elinkelpoisuudestaan ja yhdistyvän väestö- ja elinkeinopohjaltaan ja sitä kautta entistä vahvemmiksi kokonaisuuksiksi. 2000-luvun edetessä kuntaliitoshankkeita on käynnistynyt kiihtyvällä tahdilla ja yhä useammissa niistä kunnat yhdistyvät. Kuntayhteisön historia, identiteetti ja ainutkertaisuus väistävät, kun yhdistyminen muodostuu yhden tai useamman kunnan taloudellisen aseman tai toiminnallisten edellytysten kannalta välttämättömäksi. Keskusteltaessa kuntarakenteesta keskustellaan samalla kuntien itsehallinnosta. Voimakas vaatimus kuntien elinvoimaisuudesta ja elinkelpoisuudesta merkitseekin itsehallintokäsityksen muuttumista. ; The topic of this study is the public discussion on desired local authority size and the need for municipal mergers. The study is based on the French philosopher Michel Foucault´s discoursive view of knowledge and power and an analytics of governmentality, which has evolved from Foucault´s research. The discussion on local government structure concerns information on local authorities, power and competing governmental rationalities. Governmental rationalities refer to different ways of producing truths and giving causes for social and political aims. The study is based on the conception that governmental rationalities are bound up with a discoursive struggle. This struggle is integrated into public discussion. The material of the study consists of newspaper articles on local government structure and municipal mergers. The discussion on local government structure is examined in contexts from the early 1990s and early 2000s. With regard to these two periods I analyse the changing historical conditions under which the discourses unfold. During the time that passed between the two periods the local authorities faced a major change in economic fluctuations, migration, internationalisation, the European integration and the effects of extensive public administration reforms. The discussion on local government structure is analysed in relation to the recent development of the operating environment, the metamorphosis of the welfare society and the changeable role of local authorities. An important issue in my study is what kind of discourses form the framework for public discussion on local government structure? And how do they regulate the governmental rationalities concerning the relations between the duties, resources and structures of local governments? According to my study, the debate on local government structure is in fact a defining struggle over the local authorities´ mission, resources and structure and how these are related to one another. A change detected in resources or duties triggers a need to adjust either one of the two other elements in question. The interpretations of adjustment in each case result in specific governmental rationalities of reform. There is also the question of how political power is distributed and the tensions arising from it, i.e. a struggle for political power in connection to the political parties´ differentiated position in local governments. A change in local government structure signifies new strategic positions and political strongholds. The positions of the traditional ruling parties, i.e. the Centre Party and the Social Democratic Party, produce opposite dispositions of how and on whose conditions the governmental models are outlined. The study shows that the discussion on local government structure is dominated by a power discourse that strongly emphasises a demand for restructuring in order to form larger municipalities. The power discourse strengthens a rationality that gives priority to restructuring local governments instead of financing or redefining duties. Within the power discourse the conception of local government structure turns into an instrument of governmentality and a perspective which sets aside other possible ways of representing local authorities. Local authorities are perceived as a part of the total structure of administrative units, the characteristics of which may be measured, assessed ­ and changed. A counterdiscourse arises as a reaction to the power discourse and its demand for adjustment to the change of operational environment through a change of local government structure. This counterdiscourse questions the notion of local authorities as a structure that can be steered and governed. Local authorities are seen as unique, autonomous regional institutions where decisions on their development and services must be made as close to the local residents as possible. Thus the counterdiscourse emphasises the local authorities´ territorial autonomy, which secures preserve the unique history and identity of the present municipalities. In the 1990 s the interpretation that the operating environment developed towards regionalisation was characteristic for the change management. The aim to promote regionalisation and conditions influencing regionalisation was strengthened. Regional cooperation represented a compromise between reluctance to merge and securing of industrial development needs and services. The discussion concerning local authority structures was founded upon a two-peaked strategy of adjusting, i.e. the aim was to actively further the promotion of both municipal mergers and regional cooperation. Securing services is the topic in the core of the discussions on local government structures. And this topic is enwrapped in the discourse on equality. However, equality appears to be the ambivalent precondition for the reform. In the power discourse the equal status of citizens is threatened by the differentiation of the financial situation of local authorities. A change of the local government structure arises as the solution. The counterdiscourse emphasises one aspect above all others, i.e. to secure services as close to the local residents as possible. The pursuit of scale benefits, concentration of resources and development measures and cutting down on services are considered risks in the change of local government structures. The fear for the effects of concentrated powers and for the dismantlement of the welfare society at local level will be actualised in the counterdiscourse. From the beginning of the 1990 s to the mid-2000 s there is a discoursive change in the discussion on local government structures. The discussion starts increasingly to circle around the change of operating environments of local authorities. The prerequisites of local governments to secure the services are getting questioned due to migration, changes in the population s age structure and regional differentiation. There seems to be a division into winning and losing local authorities. The financial and operating prerequisites of small and remote local authorities are considered to have weakened. Making provisions for changes in the operating environment emphasises vitality and viability. A condition is that local authorities embrace their financial responsibilities. The responsibilisation in the discoursive change is similar to the responsibilisation frequently applied in connection with the management of welfare drawing on different neoliberal practices. The mentality of liberalisation and responsibilisation can be more widely acknowledged in the development of the relations between local authorities and the state. In political rationalisation the promotion of productivity has become the counterpart of the securing of services. The rhetoric of financial necessities is more strongly than before starting to regulate the discussion. In the 1990 s the emphasis was on effectivity and claims for the streamlining of the bureaucratised governance. In the 2000 s the talk focused on productivity and the demand that more should be achieved despite decreasing resources. The concept of productivity welling from the background assumptions of economic science is problematic for the public sector. It does not measure welfare and wellbeing. Consequently the dispute is not about measures but about goals. What kind of local authorities will be given the responsibility for the services to residents and the development of their close environment? The answer to this question also implies how resources and duties are allocated to local authorities. The discoursive change is all about a reorganisation of the mutual relations between knowledge and power. One politics of truth is replaced with another politics of truth with more explanatory power and penetrating effects than the former one. The responsibilisation of local authorities and the assessment based on financial processes come in the centre of the discussion on local government structures. The definitions of local authority duties, resources and structures also contribute to the revision of local self-government. The strong claim for vital and viable local authorities actually means the articulation of a new kind of basis for the self-government.

Die Staaten der Europäischen Union haben in den vergangenen Jahren ein »biotechnologisches Grenzregime« errichtet, das über ein nahezu totales Wissen über die Körper von Einwanderern und Staatsbürgern verfügt. Die gesammelten biometrischen Daten reichen von Fingerabdrücken und Iris-Scans zur Identitätsfeststellung über Röntgenbilder des Körpers zum Zweck der Altersbestimmung bis hin zu DNAAnalysen im Rahmen von Familienzusammenführungen. Dieser interdisziplinäre Band bietet einen detaillierten Einblick in gegenwärtige biotechnologische Grenzregime im Kontext neoliberaler Herrschaftsstrukturen und analysiert zentrale politische, soziale und ethische Implikationen dieser Praxis. Torsten Heinemann ist Marie Curie Fellow an der University of California, Berkeley, und Juniorprofessor für Soziologie an der Universität Hamburg. Martin G. Weiß ist Assistenzprofessor am Institut für Philosophie an der Universität Klagenfurt.

This article is a review of the literature on the development of knowledge, base on social sciences, in the field of public policies for children under the protection of the State using research undertaken in Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Colombia between 2012 and 2021. The purpose is to characterize and analyze the way in which protection policies construct their object of intervention and the premises from which they orient their actions. We analyzed a total of 41 texts according to the guidelines and procedures for a systematic review, seeking to guarantee the elaboration of a transparent, clear and precise text. To carry out the process of analysis of documents, the thematic content analysis technique was used. The review results show that the body of scientific knowledge on specialized protection is composed of a plurality of theoretical and methodological approaches, which shows that childhood is a social and historical construction that is in permanent dispute. Public policies for children are not limited to the mere mechanical application of a set of actions to solve a social problem, but rather are complex discursive constructions that have effects of truth and power in the configuration of the protection of contemporary childhood. ; Este artículo constituye una revisión de la literatura en el campo de las políticas públicas dirigidas a la niñez bajo protección del Estado a partir de investigaciones realizada en Chile, Argentina, Brasil, Uruguay y Colombia entre 2012 y 2021. Busca caracterizar e interrogar cómo las políticas de protección construyen su objeto de intervención y los supuestos desde los cuales orientan sus acciones. Se analizaron un total de 41 textos considerando los criterios y orientaciones para una revisión sistemática, buscando garantizar la elaboración de un texto transparente, claro y preciso. Para realizar el proceso de análisis de los documentos se utilizó la técnica de análisis de contenido temático. Los resultados de la revisión muestran que el campo de producción de ...

In recent decades, disability policy programmes and conventions have been underlining how improving educational opportunities, especially for post-compulsory education, improve the employability and independence of disabled people, and thus their position in society and as citizens. However, little attention has been paid to actual educational practices and how they relate to these policy objectives. This article focuses on post-compulsory education for students with learning disabilities in Finland, more precisely on a vocational training programme called Preparatory Education for Work and Independent Living (PEWIL). In our ethnographic study of the programme, we scrutinise how daily educational practices govern citizenship for its students. We argue that even though these students are perceived as 'trainable' mainly in sheltered work and as only able to live in an institutionalised setting-thus reproducing their marginalisation-they have internalised the idea of a neoliberal labour market citizen with an emphasis on independence and employability. Points of interest The subject of this article is a vocational education and training programme for young people with learning disabilities. The aim of the programme is to give students skills for working and independent living in mainstream society. We are interested in how citizenship is understood on the programme. The first author participated in the everyday life of the programme and interviewed students. We found that the programme prepares students to work in sheltered workshops and to live in group homes. In interviews, the students said they want to have regular paid jobs and live independently in their own flats. ; Peer reviewed

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el origen cristiano del liberalismo en el marco de las investigaciones de Michel Foucault a partir de algunas lecturas contemporáneas que hacen remontar la genealogía foucaultiana del liberalismo a la teoría del deseo de San Agustín. La hipótesis principal del artículo es que estas lecturas pueden tender a proponer una interpretación parcial de la genealogía y de las dinámicas de gobierno propias del liberalismo estudiadas por Foucault dado que, al centrarse en la teoría del deseo elaborada por el obispo de Hipona, no permiten percibir la relevancia que Foucault le atribuye al monacato en la formación del liberalismo. A los fines de dar cuenta del rol que el monacato juega en la genealogía foucaultiana del liberalismo, el artículo se focaliza en la noción de disciplina. Sobre la base de Las Confesiones de la carne, el artículo analiza la teoría de la libido de San Agustín y problematiza el vínculo que el obispo de Hipona tematiza entre esta y la disciplina como fundamento de gobierno. A partir del análisis del alcance que San Agustín le da al término "disciplina", el texto aborda los orígenes monásticos que Foucault le atribuye a la disciplina y tematiza los vínculos entre esta y el liberalismo, en particular Jeremy Bentham, en el marco de las investigaciones del filósofo francés. Abstract: This article focuses on Michel Foucault's investigation on Christianity in order to discuss some contemporary readings that consider Saint Augustine's theory of desire as a crucial focal point of Foucault's genealogy of liberalism. The main hypothesis of the article is that such readings may lead to a partial understanding of the Christian dimension of Foucault's genealogy of liberalism. This is for, by focusing exclusively on Saint Augustine's theory of desire, these readings may not be able to account for the crucial relevance that Foucault gives to monasticism in the shaping of liberalism. In order to emphasise the role of monasticism in Foucault's genealogy of liberalism, the article draws ...

At a time when urbanization represents a major trend in human history and when the majority of the world'spopulation lives in an urban environment, the urban regime theory, developed by Clarence Stone in the 1980s, offers an insightful framework for discussing how urban stakeholders are compelled to work together to achieve their goals. While research on urban regimes has historically focused mainly on democratic contexts, this article argues that it is time to use urban regime theory in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian countries in order to better understand how urban politics develop. With growing urban activism and huge territorial contrasts, Russia offers a good case study for testing the notion of "urban regime." This article focuses on three cities in Russia's Far North—Murmansk, Norilsk, and Yakutsk—that face common sustainability challenges in Arctic or subarctic conditions; it delves into the mechanisms of their urban regimes and categorizesthem by type: instrumental, organic, and symbolic. ; À une époque où l'urbanisation représente une tendance majeure de l'histoire humaine et où la majorité de la population mondiale vit en milieu urbain, la théorie du régime urbain élaborée par Clarence Stone dans les années 1980 présente un cadre de discussion intéressant sur la façon dont les intervenants urbains sont incités à travailler ensemble pour atteindre leurs objectifs. Depuis longtemps, bien que la recherche sur les régimes urbains se concentre principalement sur les contextes démocratiques, le présent article soutient que le moment est venu d'utiliser la théorie du régime urbain dans les pays autoritaires ou semi-autoritaires afin de mieux comprendre comment se développe la politique urbaine. En raison de l'activisme urbain croissant et des énormes contrastes territoriaux, la Russie constitue une bonne étude de cas pour mettre à l'épreuve la notion de« régime urbain ». Cet article porte sur trois villes du grand nord de la Russie, Murmansk, Norilsk et Yakutsk, aux prises avec des défis communs en ...