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The people of mixed ancestry who came into being in the North Western Cape in the course of the eighteenth century and later known as the Rehoboth Basters, left the Cape Colony in 1868 and in 1870 settled at Rehoboth and environment, in the area later to be known as German South West Africa. Their pre-colonial settlement (1868- 1884) was characterized by fruitless attempts to obtain the Rehoboth region as a permanent residential area and to maintain neutrality in the midst of the renewed Herero-Nama-Oorlam conflict. With the conclusion of the Baster-German Friendship and Protection Treaty of 15 September 1885, de jure recognition was at last granted to the ideal of a national state of the Rehoboth Basters, a settlement which, in terms of modern South African political jargon, may be called a "volkstaat" -this time not for white Afrikaners, but for their coloured kith and kin.

Many of the top-grossing feature films spanning from 1915–1927 utilized rape as a device for defining manhood and thereby establishing power relationships. The images of rape in these silent films idealized the power of respectable white men over the men and women of other classes and races and subordinated the women from their own social station. These movies constructed white men as heroes and guardians of morality and civilization, white women as frail but morally superior figures, and African-American and immigrant men and women as uncontrollable sexual deviants who threatened civilization. These films reflected the fears of the white middle class that massive immigration, waves of black migration to the North, and the increasingly public role of women were irrevocably changing American society and threatening the power of the traditional dominant group in the United States: white middle- and upper-class men.

In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.

THE DIFFERENT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCES OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND OTHER IMMIGRANTS HAVE ENGENDERED DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION THEY HAVE ENCOUNTERED. VOLUNTARILY IMMIGRATING TO AMERICA TO IMPROVE THEIR STATUS, MOST ETHNIC GROUPS MET DE FACTO DISCRIMINATION BUT NOT DEHUMANIZATION. GLAD TO LEAVE WORSE CONDITIONS, MOST IMMIGRANTS EXPECTED LITTLE FROM THE STATE AND ADVANCED BY THEIR OWN WORK. BUT BLACKS, WHO HAD BEEN FREE IN AFRICA, ENTERED AMERICA IN CHAINS AS DE JURE PROPERTY AND HAD TO STRUGGLE FOR DE JURE HUMAN STATUS AND FULL EQUALITY AS CITIZENS. THROUGH AFFIRMATIVE ACTION PROGRAMS DATING FROM THE MID-1930'S, BLACKS HAVE DEMANDED A FAIR PROPORTION OF JOBS. IT IS SAID THAT GHETTO POVERTY IS AN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL, NOT A RACIAL, PROBLEM. CIVIL RIGHTS GROUPS HAVE LONG RECOGNIZED THAT THE WELFARE OF BLACKS AND THE WELFARE OF OTHER CITIZENS ARE UNITED.

The Soweto revolt of 1976 was mounted by black students in South Africa mobilized under the banner of the Black Consciousness (BC) ideology. However, when thousands of these youths were driven into exile by state repression, they joined the African National Congress (ANC) or its military wing. When hundreds of them returned as guerrillas after 1978, some were arrested and tried, while others were involved in spectacular shootouts with the police. The resulting press coverage began to revive ANC ideology in popular consciousness. With further publicity in 1980 from a Free Mandela campaign, and from luridly successful sabotage attacks, popular support for the ANC soared, shaping political events for the rest of the decade. The only other noteworthy tendency among blacks was the Zulu‐based Inkatha movement led by Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, whose support among young people was slight because of his hostile stance to both BC and the ANC.

Preliminary evaluation of the traditional management systems practiced in rearing west African Dwarf goats in Ayangba area of Benue State indicated high goat population and mortality rate but low productivity. Free range (scavanging) dominated the three identified systems. Comparative field study of the Scavanging, Tethering and Confined stall-feeding systems, using 120 does between 12 and 24 months of age for 12 months (May 1982-1983), preferentially favoured confined stall-feeding; the other two systems could improve by modified health care and feed supplementation. Feed supplementation and health care significantly improved performance within and between management systems, including mean weight gain per year for does; confined stall-feeding is the management system of choice, although Scavanging and confined stall-feeding systems could be combinely practiced. Maximum productivity necessitates selection and upgrading of indigenous breeds, through the cooperation of veterinary extension staff and government agencies.

In 1977, Congress authorized the expenditure of one million dollars for "the preparation of a comprehensive analysis of development needs of southern Africa to enable the Congress to determine what contribution United States foreign assistance can make." AID was instructed to present specific proposals on how to spend this one million dollars. AID seems to have approached several groups of scholars heretofore critical of U.S. policy in southern Africa on the possibility of serving as "consultants" to draft this analysis. AID in late November approached the four of us as scholars in contact with persons knowledgeable about the region (and not ostensibly because of our links to the Association of Concerned African Scholars) to meet with them to discuss what kind of work ought to be done, could be done, and might be done by us. We agreed to meet with them in December in Washington.

The outbreak and spread of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is probably the most serious global challenge since World War II. While research has paid considerable attention to the technical, epidemiological and public health aspects of the pandemic in Africa, it neglects the social, economic and political dimensions. Relying on analysis of data on trends of COVID-19 infections from the World Health Organization and Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, and a rapid review of available international and national policy/programme documents on COVID-19 control responses in Africa, this study assessed the extant protocols and responses to COVID-19 in relation to urban governance principles. Utilizing the political economy framework, the social conditions of informal labour and business activities during the COVID-19 pandemic are explored with accession to social habitus of informality. The paper argues that in as much as the COVID-19 pandemic is a pervasive health problem it should be treated more as a social and political economy challenge given the large informal nature of urbanism in Africa. The study concludes that urban governance that incorporates collective organization, community groups, non-state and informal actors offers scope in the battle against COVID-19 in Africa. Rethinking African urbanism in line with the principles of the Global Campaign on Urban Governance is also canvassed.

This essay is an investigation of the United States' policy toward Africa, and Africa's place in America's "war on terrorism." In the firm belief that one cannot understand current U.S. policy toward Africa without providing a historical context, the essay starts by briefly assessing the destructive effects of American policies on Africa during the era of the Cold War. It then analyzes post-Cold War U.S. policy toward Africa under the administration of president Bill Clinton between 1993 and 2000, arguing that, despite the administration's rhetorical support for democracy in Africa, this policy was often marked by political inconsistency, cynical opportunism, and willful neglect, as dramatized most vividly by support for non-democratic leaders and policy debacles in Somalia and Rwanda. Clinton's trade policy, however, produced some results in efforts to increase trade with Africa. We also assess the Africa policy of the current U.S. president, George W. Bush Jr., placing our analysis within the global context of the "war on terrorism" and the recent American invasion and occupation of Iraq. We focus particularly on African reactions to these events, and also assess the policy battles and views of some of the senior officials within the Bush administration on Africa-related issues. The essay concludes by offering some policy recommendations for a more enlightened U.S. policy toward Africa.

Black Mental Health and the New Millennium: Historical and Current Perspective on Cultural Trauma and 'Everyday' Racism in White Mental Health Spaces -- The Impact on the Psychological Well-being of Black Mental Health Professionals; Richard Majors Chapter 1. Systemic Racism: Big, Black, Mad and Dangerous in the Criminal Justice System; Sharon Walker Chapter 2. In the name of our humanity: challenging academic racism and its effects on the emotional wellbeing of women of colour professors; Philomena Essed and Karen Carberry Chapter 3. Racial Battle Fatigue: The Long-Term Effects of Racial Microaggressions on African American Boys and Men; William Smith, R. David and G. Stanton Chapter 4. Racism in Academia: (How to) Stay Black, Sane and Proud as the doctoral supervisory relationship implodes; Sharon Walker Chapter 5. Implicit Provider Bias and its Implications for Black/African American Mental Health; Andra D Rivers Johnson Chapter 6. Thirty years of Black History Month and thirty years of overrepresentation in the mental health system; Patrick Vernon Chapter 7. Race and Risk -- exploring UK social policy and the development of modern mental health; Patricia Clarke Chapter 8. Remaining Mindful about Young People; Mhemooda Malek and Simon Newitt Chapter 9. Cultural competencies in delivering counselling and psychotherapy services to a black multi-cultural population: time for change and action; Nicholas Banks Chapter 10. Social and Emotional Education and Emotional Wellness: A Cultural Competence Model for Black Boys and Teachers; Richard Majors, Llewellyn E Simmons and Corneilus Ani Chapter 11. ASD & Cultural Competence: An ASD Multi-Cultural Treatment Led Model; Mary Henderson and Richard Majors Chapter 12. Moving Young Black Men Beyond Survival Mode: Protective Factors for Their Mental Health; Ivan Juzang Chapter 13. African Americans and the Vocational Rehabilitation Service System in the United States: The Impact on Mental Health; Fabricio E Balcazar and Julie Vryhof Chapter 14: Targeted Intervention in Education and the Empowerment and Emotional Well-Being of Black Boys; Cheron Byfield and Tony Talburt Chapter 15. Towards a position of Spiritual Reflexivity as a resource: Emerging themes and issues for systemic practice, leadership and supervision within Black mental health; Maureen Greaves Chapter 16. 'Marginal Leaders': Making Visible the Leadership Experiences of Black Women in a Therapeutic Service for Disenfranchised Young People; Romana Farooq and Tania Rodrigues Chapter 17. 40 Years in The Wilderness: A Review of Systemic Barriers to Reducing The Over-representation of Black Men in the UK Psychiatric System; Gail Coleman-Oluwabusola Chapter 18. Oppositional and Defiant Behaviours Among Black Boys in Schools: Techniques to Facilitate Change; Steve Clarke Chapter 19. Black Therapists -- White Families, therapists' perceptions of cultural competence in clinical practice; Karen Carberry and Belinda Brooks-Gordon Chapter 20. Transracial Adoption and Mental Health; Nicholas Banks Chapter 21. Dementia and its impact on minority ethnic and migrant communities; David Trusswell Chapter 22. Mental Health/Illness Revisited in People of African Caribbean Heritage in Britain; Tony Leiba and Gwen Rose Chapter 23. Researching African-Caribbean Mental Health in the UK: An Assets-based Approach to developing psychosocial interventions for schizophrenia and related psychoses; Dawn Edge, Amy Degan and Sonya Rafiq Chapter 24. 'Lone wolf' case study considerations of terrorist radicalisation from the black experience -- impact on mental health; Nicholas Banks Chapter 25. Spotlight on Sensory Processing Difficulties; Lisa Prior and Tiffany Howl Chapter 26. Forced Marriage as a Representation of a Belief System in the UK and its Psychological Impact on Well-being; Doreen Robinson and Reenee Singh Chapter 27. Systemic Family therapy with transgenerational communities in Haiti and the Dominican Republic; Karen Carberry, Gerald Jean Lafleur and Genel Jean-Claude Chapter 28. Engaging with racialized process in clinical supervision. Political or personal; Isha McKenzie-Mavinga .

There has been a notable decline in the tax morality of South African taxpayers over the years. Tax morality is a term defined as the willingness of individuals to pay tax and comply with tax laws1 . The concerns over the decline in tax morality were raised by the National Treasury when discussing the widening tax gap between the budgeted tax revenue collections and the actual revenue collected (in the 2017 Budget Speech)2 . The importance of tax morality in South Africa cannot be overstated, the very success of South Africa's democracy is dependent on the very functioning of the fiscal citizenship principle, that means the state and the taxpayers must be committed to the operation of the democracy through the social contract, ie the taxpayers must be willing to pay their taxes and the government must provide the services due to the taxpayer, such as healthcare, education services and efficient infrastructure. In the evaluation of South Africa's tax morality, the tax revenue collection process and methodology must be reviewed. For personal income tax, with the exception of PAYE, taxpayers must declare their income earned in order for the income to be assessed. It is for this reason that tax morality should be regularly reviewed, to ensure that taxpayers are motivated to pay the right amount of tax and are compliant with tax laws. Where this is not the case, symptoms of broken fiscal citizenship can include aggressive tax avoidance, base erosion and profit shifting and tax evasion, to an extent that legislation needs to be constantly reviewed in order to protect the South African tax base. To review the tax morality of the Republic, revenue collection statistics such as tax buoyancy are reviewed, revealing that after the 2008/9 global financial crisis, the revenue collection statistics remained buoyant until the 2017/18 period during which time it decreased to 0.91 indicating a threat to the long-term sustainability of the fiscal policy. The tax revenue collections when compared to GDP statistics also signal concern, and when taking into account the rate at which high networth individuals are leaving the country and their reasons, it is clear that the South African government should be applying more focus and resources in improving tax morality. In order to recommend focus areas to improve tax morality, a review of research performed by the OECD globally into the tax morale of individuals and businesses around the world is used. The research focuses on factors influencing tax morale, which is a good indicator of what motivates taxpayers to participate in, and comply with a tax system. An overarching theme for individuals from the identified factors is the perspective of the government taxpayers have. It is this perspective that has been found in the study to influence whether individual taxpayers around the world comply with and participate in the tax laws of the country. For businesses, the most dominant factor appears to be tax certainty and while this is information derived from a general survey and on a limited population, it provides a general overview or a starting point in the improvement of tax morality. With the factors identified, an evaluation of how they impact the South African population and to what extent the findings may be true for the Republic are investigated. The socioeconomic and institutional factors identified in the global study are relatable in the South African context and the results from the survey show parallels between the global population and the South

Festac '77, also known as the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture was a major international festival held in Lagos, Nigeria, from 15 January 1977 to 12 February 1977. This paper focuses on Doxiadis Associates' masterplan for Festac Town, a federal housing estate located along the Lagos-Badagry Expressway in Lagos State, Nigeria, paying special attention to the infrastructure along the Lagos-Badagry Highway (fig. 1). This project, which exemplifies the late modernist concerns for urban development in the Global South and should be understood within the context of modernisation that followed Nigeria's independence, concerned the design of a town aiming at hosting the visitors of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture in Lagos in 1977 (fig. 2). It was assigned in 1974 by the Federal Republic of Nigeria to Doxiadis Associates and was conceptualized as "a model residential community with all the necessary functions and facilities to serve a permanent population" after the end of the aforementioned festival. This masterplan was based on the theory of ekistics developed by Greek city planner Constantinos A. Doxiadis, and included the construction of significant infrastructure installations. The scope of the paper is twofold: to investigate the connections between Doxiadis's understanding of the role of infrastructure in this project and his conception of 'Ecumenopolis', and to relate Doxiadis's vision for 'Ecumenopolis' to the idea of Eurafrica, referring to the political project that emerged in the 1920s based on the idea that Europe's future survival was bound up with Europe's successful merger with Africa. Doxiadis's concept of 'Ecumenopolis' departed from the hypothesis that the urbanization, the growth of population, and the development of means of transport and human networks would lead to a fusion of the urban areas and megalopolises forming a single continuous planetwide city (fig. 3). Doxiadis's "Towards Ecumenopolis" (1961), a confidential report that focused on how to devise a "different approach" to the City of the Future, treated infrastructure as a skeleton of a body covering the entire globe and resulting from the balance between settlements, production and nature. In his second report on 'Ecumenopolis', Doxiadis claimed that Africa was the largest and most suitable area to welcome inbound capitals and investments. The Africa Transport Plan was intended to provide the basic layout of his 'Ecumenopolis'. The paper examines a set of maps displaying settlements, routes, airways and human corridors that Doxiadis Associates produced to explore the potentials of the concept of 'Ecumenopolis', relating the latter to Eurafrica. One can read in the issue of May 1977 of Ebony: "For 29 days, black people from everywhere - from Africa, Europe, African-America, South America, Canada, and the islands of the seas - testified to the haunting presence of blackness in the world". My objective is to examine closely the cultural-historic complexity of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture, the so-called FESTAC '77, during which thousands of artists, writers, musicians, activists and scholars from Africa and the Black diaspora assembled in Lagos. As Denis Ekpo remarks, in "Culture and Modernity Since FESTAC 77", in 1977, thanks to FESTAC, "Lagos had become the Mecca of African collective cultural and artistic self-retrieval and self-accreditation". The methodological approach on which the paper is based draws upon theoretical tools aims to go beyond "progress" or "influence", while the historiographical method on which the paper intends to challenge the schism between globalisation and regionalism.

The political, economic and social instabilities of the African countries have been seen as one of the biggest challenges to be overcome in the current days. Today, the lack of economic and social freedom is the great problem that makes the weak effort of the African politicians on consolidating the political and economic systems in permanent crisis, even more vulnerable. We attempt to understand the reasons of the increasing levels of bribery of the public and private institutions besides the deficit of a political ethics and other corrosive factors of the African nations that make it a continent with a high level of vulnerability. So, we task ourselves to draft a historic line of the political thought of one of the most promising countries of the African continent: Angola. This is achieved through the use of historic sources that chain the main political events of the history of Angola that led to the independence and that succeeded. It is concluded that the state intervention based on ideas socialist / communist ideas has been, as theoretically proved by the Austrian School, harmful to the socio-economic development of the African country and it is suggested a review to such intervention to be completed in a future paper. ; as inestabilidades políticas, económicas y sociales de los países africanos han sido vistas como uno de los mayores desafíos a ser superados en los días actuales. Hoy, la falta de libertad económica y social es el gran problema que hace que el débil esfuerzo de los políticos africanos en consolidar los sistemas políticos y económicos en permanente crisis, sea aún más vulnerable. Intentamos entender las razones de los crecientes niveles de soborno de las instituciones públicas y privadas, además del déficit de una ética política y otros factores corrosivos de las naciones africanas que lo convierten en un continente con alto nivel de vulnerabilidad. Así, nos encargamos de esbozar una línea histórica del pensamiento político de uno de los países más prometedores del continente africano: Angola. Esto es posible por medio del uso de fuentes históricas que encadenan los principales acontecimientos políticos de la historia de Angola que llevaron a la independencia y que obtuvieron éxito. Se concluye que la intervención estatal basada en ideas socialistas o comunistas ha sido, como teóricamente comprobado por la Escuela Austriaca, perjudicial para el desarrollo socioeconómico del país africano y se sugiere una revisión para que tal intervención sea finalizada en un futuro artículo. ; As instabilidades políticas, econômicas e sociais dos países africanos têm sido vistas como um dos maiores desafios a serem superados nos dias atuais. Hoje, a falta de liberdade econômica e social é o grande problema que faz com que o fraco esforço dos políticos africanos em consolidar os sistemas políticos e econômicos em permanente crise, seja ainda mais vulnerável. Tentamos entender as razões dos crescentes níveis de suborno das instituições públicas e privadas, além do déficit de uma ética política e outros fatores corrosivos das nações africanas que o tornam um continente com alto nível de vulnerabilidade. Assim, nos encarregamos de esboçar uma linha histórica do pensamento político de um dos países mais promissores do continente africano: a Angola. Isto é possível por meio do uso de fontes históricas que encadeiam os principais acontecimentos políticos da história de Angola que levaram à independência e que obtiveram sucesso. Conclui-se que a intervenção estatal baseada em idéias socialistas / comunistas tem sido, como teoricamente comprovado pela Escola Austríaca, prejudicial ao desenvolvimento sócio-econômico do país africano e sugere-se uma revisão para que tal intervenção seja finalizada em um futuro artigo.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables and Illustrations -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Misperceptions of Crime -- The Rising American Prison Population -- The Growing Prison Economy -- PART 1: PROPAGANDA -- 1 The Politics of Fear -- The President's Crime Commission -- A Shift in the Focus of Concern -- Nixon, Congress, and the War on Crime -- Recent Legislation -- The Consequences -- 2 Marketing Crime: The Politics of Crime Statistics -- Prisons for Profit -- Crime Statistics -- The Uniform Crime Reports -- Counting Crimes -- Dirty Tricks -- When Crime Rates Decline -- Police and Prosecutors' Charges -- Murder by Strangers -- Selective Reporting -- Teenage "Super Predators," -- Current Panics over Juvenile Crime -- School Violence -- National Criminal Victimization Surveys -- The Consequences -- Conclusion -- PART 2: PRACTICE -- 3 Finding Crime I: The Ghetto -- The Dirty Harrys -- Routine Stops -- The Consequences -- The Impact on the African American Community -- Discussion -- 4 The War on Drugs: America's Ethnic Cleansing -- The Impact of Decriminalization -- The Consequences -- The Corruption of Due Process -- Conclusion -- 5 Finding Crime II: The White Lower Class -- The Saints -- The Roughnecks -- Two Questions -- The Organization of Policing -- As Adults -- Labeling and the Self-Fulfilling Prophecy -- PART 3: IMPLICATIONS -- 6 Trading Textbooks for Prison Cells -- The Fiscal Costs of Imprisonment -- Why? -- 7 Crime Myths and Smoke Screens -- Police Crimes -- Police Corruption -- The Corruption of Due Process of Law -- The Political Smoke Screen -- State Organized Crime -- Corporate Crime -- Discussion -- 8 Summary, Conclusions, and Solutions -- Index.