Suchergebnisse

Der Austritt des Vereinigten Königreichs aus der Europäischen Union hat weitreichende Implikationen für die britische Finanzbranche. London ist die bisherige Finanzhauptstadt Europas. Dort ansässige Finanzinstitutionen können spezielle EU-Rechte nutzen, um Dienstleistungen im gesamten Binnenmarkt anzubieten. Das Vereinigte Königreich erfüllt somit gegenwärtig zwei Funktionen im europäischen Finanzsystem: Erstens ist es ein Knotenpunkt für Firmenkundengeschäfte großer europäischer Banken und zweitens fungiert das Land als Eintrittstor für Kapital aus Nicht-EU-Staaten in den Binnenmarkt. Verliert das Vereinigte Königreich im Zuge des EU-Austritts den Zugang zum europäischen Binnenmarkt, dürften beide Funktionen in weiten Teilen obsolet werden. Die vorliegende Analyse zeigt einige der möglicherweise weitreichenden Folgen auf. Unklar ist, inwieweit die britische Regierung Verwerfungen im Finanzsektor auffangen könnte. Eine Möglichkeit wäre, dass das Vereinigte Königreich seine Beziehungen zu Kronbesitztümern und Überseegebieten, die in vielen Fällen als Steuer-Oasen gelten, intensiviert. Im Kontext der Bemühungen der EU zur Eindämmung unkooperativer Steuerplanungspraktiken könnte dies als Bedrohung wahrgenommen werden und die Verhandlungen weiter verkomplizieren. ; The United Kingdom's exit from the European Union will have far-reaching implications for the British financial sector. London is currently the financial capital of Europe, and the UK's financial institutions benefit from passport rights that allow them to provide their services throughout the Single Market. The UK plays two key roles in the European financial system: the first as a major hub for wholesale banking activities conducted by large European banks, and the second as a major entry point for non-European capital entering the Single Market. If the UK were to lose its financial passport rights, both of these roles would be significantly diminished. This Economic Bulletin analyzes some of the potential consequences of the UK losing its financial passport. One possibility is that the UK will push for greater integration with offshore financial centers in its Crown dependencies and overseas territories in order to compensate for the costs of Brexit. Such a move would run counter to the EU's objectives to prevent "aggressive tax planning," and may further ccomplicate negotiations between the EU and the UK.

In Europe and around the world, the approach to management of the marine environment has developed from the management of single issues (e.g., species and/or pressures) toward holistic Ecosystem Based Management (EBM) that includes aims to maintain biological diversity and protect ecosystem functioning. Within the European Union, this approach is implemented through the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD, 2008/56/EC). Integrated Ecosystem Assessment is required by the Directive in order to assess Good Environmental Status (GES). Ecological modeling has a key role to play within the implementation of the MSFD, as demonstrated here by case studies covering a range of spatial scales and a selection of anthropogenic threats. Modeling studies have a strong role to play in embedding data collected at limited points within a larger spatial and temporal scale, thus enabling assessments of pelagic and seabed habitat. Furthermore, integrative studies using food web and ecosystem models are able to investigate changes in food web functioning and biological diversity in response to changes in the environment and human pressures. Modeling should be used to: support the development and selection of specific indicators; set reference points to assess state and the achievement of GES; inform adaptive monitoring programs and trial management scenarios. The modus operandi proposed shows how ecological modeling could support the decision making process leading to appropriate management measures and inform new policy. ; This manuscript is a result of DEVOTES (DEVelopment Of innovative Tools for understanding marine biological diversity and assessing good Environmental Status) project, funded by the European Union under the 7th Framework Programme, "The Ocean of Tomorrow" Theme (grant agreement no. 308392), www.devotes-project.eu. ; Peer reviewed ; Peer Reviewed

En este artículo se exploran las causas del declive de los partidos comunistas de Europa occidental desde el supuesto de que el mismo se produjo en una situación previa de crisis, anterior a la caída del Muro, que se agudizó con el colapso de los Estados comunistas, y tuvo muy distintos efectos debido a la distinta trayectoria histórica de los diversos partidos nacionales en relación con la Unión Soviética. Se analizan también las distintas respuestas ideológicas y organizativas dadas por las formaciones comunistas occidentales ante la pérdida del referente soviético y la relevancia que para la orientación política de estas tuvo su ubicación en los sistemas de partidos nacionales. Se extraen finalmente las conclusiones relativas a las causas y principales rasgos de la configuración de una nueva izquierda anticapitalista europea en la que han quedado en gran parte subsumidos los antiguos partidos comunistas. ; In this article we analyze the reasons of the decline of the communist parties of western Europe under the supposition that this decline took place in a previous situation of crisis, prior to the fall of the Wall of Berlin, which was sharpened by the collapse of the communist States, and had very different effects due to the different historical path of the diverse national parties in relation with the Soviet Union. We also analyze the different ideological and organizational answers given by the communist western formations to the loss of the Soviet model, and the relevancy that its location in the systems of national parties had in the political orientation of this formations. Finally we extract the conclusions relative to the reasons and principal features of the configuration of a new anticapitalist European left that includes the former communist parties.

Of the 10,272 currently recognized reptile species, the trade of fewer than 8% are regulated by the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the European Wildlife Trade Regulations (EWTR). However, the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List has assessed 45% of the world's reptile species and determined that at least 1390 species are threatened by "biological resource use". Of these, 355 species are intentionally targeted by collectors, including 194 non-CITES-listed species. Herein we review the global reptile pet trade, its impacts, and its contribution to the over-harvesting of species and populations, in light of current international law. Findings are based on an examination of relevant professional observations, online sources, and literature (e.g., applicable policies, taxonomy [reptile database], trade statistics [EUROSTAT], and conservation status [IUCN Red List]). Case studies are presented from the following countries and regions: Australia, Central America, China, Galapagos Islands (Ecuador), Germany, Europe, India, Indonesia (Kalimantan), Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Madagascar, Mexico, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Western Africa, and Western Asia. The European Union (EU) plays a major role in reptile trade. Between 2004 and 2014 (the period under study), the EU member states officially reported the import of 20,788,747 live reptiles. This review suggests that illegal trade activities involve species regulated under CITES, as well as species that are not CITES-regulated but nationally protected in their country of origin and often openly offered for sale in the EU. Further, these case studies demonstrate that regulations and enforcement in several countries are inadequate to prevent the overexploitation of species and to halt illegal trade activities.

Of the 10,272 currently recognized reptile species, the trade of fewer than 8% are regulated by the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the European Wildlife Trade Regulations (EWTR). However, the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List has assessed 45% of the world's reptile species and determined that at least 1390 species are threatened by biological resource use. Of these, 355 species are intentionally targeted by collectors, including 194 non-CITES-listed species. Herein we review the global reptile pet trade, its impacts, and its contribution to the over-harvesting of species and populations, in light of current international law. Findings are based on an examination of relevant professional observations, online sources, and literature (e.g., applicable policies, taxonomy [reptile database], trade statistics [EUROSTAT], and conservation status [IUCN Red List]). Case studies are presented from the following countries and regions: Australia, Central America, China, Galapagos Islands (Ecuador), Germany, Europe, India, Indonesia (Kalimantan), Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Madagascar, Mexico, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Western Africa, and Western Asia. The European Union (EU) plays a major role in reptile trade. Between 2004 and 2014 (the period under study), the EU member states officially reported the import of 20,788,747 live reptiles. This review suggests that illegal trade activities involve species regulated under CITES, as well as species that are not CITES-regulated but nationally protected in their country of origin and often openly offered for sale in the EU. Further, these case studies demonstrate that regulations and enforcement in several countries are inadequate to prevent the overexploitation of species and to halt illegal trade activities. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract: Providing access to video can be challenging, especially when it comes to film. To clear the rights, to get hands on the material, to manage the licenses, different language versions and age ratings - all this needs to be solved before a film is shown to any kind of public. More often than not, public institutions do neither have the expertise, the personnel, the money or the experience to answer to this challenge. The solution suggested by AVA – Audio Visual Access is collaboration. Film festivals, public libraries and a technology company with a focus on Video on Demand work together to provide festival films to public libraries and cultural institutions across Europe. The festivals select the films, curate programs, clear the rights and provide the video files and the institutions provide the space, visibility and the audience. The technology company is providing the services and solutions: In AVA we are creating a platform that allows all the different partners to work together on rights management, access for the audience, cloud transcoding, VoD, authentication services etc. etc. Another aspect is worth mentioning: Money. Collaboration projects like AVA are proving very successful with funding institutions. AVA is being financed under the Audience Development call by the MEDIA program of the European Union. Another project run by the reelport GmbH on Virtual Reality with a similar consortium has been awarded funding by the H2020 program of the European Union, too. In the light of this success of AVA we strongly encourage partnerships between everybody dealing with digital video, science and other public institutions, content providers and tech – companies alike.

Abstract: The article examines the key stages of the establishment of Italy's Northern League as a rightwing hard eurosceptic party. Being initially a continual supporter of European integration and considering the transition to common currency as an opportunity available only to northern regions, which could secede and form an independent state, Northern League after losing the main point of its political agenda when the whole Italy joined the Economic and Monetary Union in 1998, became a eurosceptically-oriented party, which it is up to now. The authors dwell on the focal points of the party's anti-EU program: Italy's exit from the eurozone, the formation of Europe of macroregions, the reformation of supranational institutes and decision-making procedures. However, while confronting the Northern League policy with that of National Front in France and UKIP in the United Kingdom, the authors come to the conclusion that Euroscepticism for the former is just a sign of the shift in priorities rather than a strategy as for the latter. This can be explained by the fact that National Front and UKIP are still to fight for the place in the national mainstream, while Northern League has become its integral part long before. Nevertheless, under the new leadership of M.Salvini Northern League managed to become the fourth party on the national level according to the results of European parliament elections in 2014 and established itself as a significant power opponent to EU policy on a number of important issues, such as anti-Russian sanctions. Moreover, frequent visits of party members to Moscow and the party's outspoken support of Russia on Crimea's entrance into the Russian Federation provide an opportunity to consider Northern League a potential conductor of Russian interests in the European Union.

En este artículo se exploran las causas del declive de los partidos comunistas de Europa occidental desde el supuesto de que el mismo se produjo en una situación previa de crisis, anterior a la caída del Muro, que se agudizó con el colapso de los Estados comunistas, y tuvo muy distintos efectos debido a la distinta trayectoria histórica de los diversos partidos nacionales en relación con la Unión Soviética. Se analizan también las distintas respuestas ideológicas y organizativas dadas por las formaciones comunistas occidentales ante la pérdida del referente soviético y la relevancia que para la orientación política de estas tuvo su ubicación en los sistemas de partidos nacionales. Se extraen finalmente las conclusiones relativas a las causas y principales rasgos de la configuración de una nueva izquierda anticapitalista europea en la que han quedado en gran parte subsumidos los antiguos partidos comunistas. ; In this article we analyze the reasons of the decline of the communist parties of western Europe under the supposition that this decline took place in a previous situation of crisis, prior to the fall of the Wall of Berlin, which was sharpened by the collapse of the communist States, and had very different effects due to the different historical path of the diverse national parties in relation with the Soviet Union. We also analyze the different ideological and organizational answers given by the communist western formations to the loss of the Soviet model, and the relevancy that its location in the systems of national parties had in the political orientation of this formations. Finally we extract the conclusions relative to the reasons and principal features of the configuration of a new anticapitalist European left that includes the former communist parties.

This study aims to propose the construction of a synthetic indicator again to allow us to measure the progress in the objective of economic and social cohesion of the regions of Spain and Portugal, in the framework of the community Regional Policy (CRP). We build a synthetic indicator of a multidimensional approach taking into account a large number of variables defined in the reports on economic cohesion and Social of the Union European, grouped according to the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy to promote the smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. This indicator allows comparisons among the regions studied, on the basis of information provided by a set of variables. For this purpose, we use the Pena distance method for the year 2012, which is the latest year for which data is available. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo proponer la construcción de un nuevo indicador sintético, que nos permita medir el progreso en el objetivo de la cohesión económica y social de las regiones de la cohesión de España y Portugal, en el marco de la Política Regional Comunitaria (PRC). Se construye un indicador sintético, con un enfoque multidimensional, teniendo en cuenta un gran número de variables definidas en los informes sobre la cohesión económica y social de la Unión Europea, que se agrupan de acuerdo con los objetivos de la Estrategia Europa 2020 para promover un crecimiento inteligente, sostenible e integrador. Este indicador permite realizar comparaciones entre las regiones estudiadas, sobre la base de la información proporcionada por el conjunto de las variables consideradas. Con este fin, se utiliza el método de distancia de Pena para el año 2012, último año con datos disponibles.

Neither the proposed European Constitution nor the Lisbon Treaty made any mention of Christianity, nor are there any references to Christianity or Christian churches in the ordinary documents of the European Union. This essay explores the likely root causes of such omission. Given that the constitutions of many European member-states refer to God and/or Christianity (and in some cases even establish an official religion), the European Constitution did not simply transfer the status quo at national level to the international sphere. The root cause of the 'Christophobia' that marks the current Eurocracy would appear to lie in a rejection of its own cultural origins: a civilizational self-denial. Europe seeks to define its identity in terms of abstract universal values such as freedom, human rights, etc. Nevertheless, the reason such liberal-democratic values emerged in the West is because they are secularized versions of Christian values. ; Tanto la abortada Constitución Europea como el Tratado de Lisboa evitaron toda mención del cristianismo; en los documentos ordinarios de la Unión Europea se evita también cualquier alusión directa al cristianismo o las Iglesias. El artículo reflexiona sobre las causas de esta aversión. La Constitución Europea no se limitó a trasladar a la escala supranacional lo que ya era un hecho consumado a escala nacional, pues numerosas Constituciones de países europeos nombran a Dios o al cristianismo, o incluso instituyen una religión oficial. La causa de la «cristofobia» de la nueva eurocracia parece residir en una negación de las propias raíces culturales: Europa quiere basar su identidad sólo en valores universal-abstractos como la libertad, los derechos humanos, etc. Sin embargo, los valores liberal-democráticos surgieron precisamente en Occidente… porque son valores cristianos secularizados.

Este trabajo pretende, en el actual contexto de inmenso desapego de la sociedad civil por la cosa pública, examinar las bases jurídicas existentes tanto a nivel nacional como en la esfera internacional para garantizar la participación de un colectivo social tan importante como el juvenil en el desarrollo político, social, económico y cultural. Se analiza, en concreto, el anclaje constitucional de esta cuestión en España a través del art. 48 C.E., así como el desarrollo histórico de este precepto con la creación del Consejo de la Juventud de España en 1983, cuya naturaleza jurídica ha pasado de ser pública para transformarse en una verdadera asociación sectorial de base privada. Se estudian, asimismo, las principales organizaciones internacionales gubernamentales (en particular, la Unión Europea y el Consejo de Europa) y no gubernamentales (sobre todo, el Consejo Europeo de la Juventud), que constituyen obligado referente para la ordenación de los cauces jurídicos de la participación juvenil en nuestro país. ; In the current context with complete disregard for the public issue by the civil society, this paper analyses the national and international legal basis in order to guarantee the youthful participation in the political, social, economical and cultural development. In particular, we focus on the Spanish question through the examination of article 48 of Spanish Constitution. On this article the Spanish Youth Council was created in 1983 as a public institution, although his legal nature has become private association this year. Additionally, we examine the main governmental organizations (that is, European Union and Council of Europe) and non-governmental organizations (especially, the European Youth Forum) in the meaning that they are a compulsory reference to understand the legal course about youth participation in our country. ; peerReviewed

В статье рассматриваются современные тенденции и перспективы развития глобальной интеграции в мировом экономическом пространстве. Показано, что постсоциалистические трансформации не вписываются в классические модели трансформационных переходов, так как имеют иную стадийность, отличаются специфичной иерархией процедурных и структурных факторов, носят смешанный характер, реализуют одновременные преобразования в различных сферах, сохраняют значимость властных номенклатур, стимулируют появление сложносоставных конфликтов. Большое внимание в статье уделяется особенностям интеграционных процессов в Европе, в Северной Америке, в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе. На примере рассмотрения Европейского Союза (ЕС), Североамериканского соглашения о свободной торговле (НАФТА), форума «Азиатско-Тихоокеанское экономическое сотрудничество» (АТЭС), являющихся центрами мировой интеграции, в которых сосредоточены масштабные экономические, финансовые, научно-технологические и людские ресурсы, по своей важности сопоставимые с их политическими, военно-стратегическими значениями, проанализированы этапы становления и развития интеграционных союзов, обозначены дальнейшие направления их стратегического развития. ; The article considers the modern tendencies and prospects of development of global integration in the global economic environment. It is shown that post-socialist transformation do not fit the classic model of transformational crossings, as have other stages, different specific hierarchy of procedural and structural factors are mixed, implement simultaneous transformations in various fields, save the importance of powerful items, stimulate the emergence of complex conflicts. Great attention is paid to the peculiarities of integration processes in Europe, in North America, the Asia-Pacific region. On the example of the European Union (EU), the North American free trade agreement (NAFTA), the Asia-Pacific economic cooperation (APEC), which are the centers of global integration, which focused on large-scale economic, financial, scientific-technological and human resources, by their importance comparable to their political, military-strategic values, analyzed the stages of formation and development of the integration of the unions further directions of their strategic development.

This study aims to propose the construction of a synthetic indicator again to allow us to measure the progress in the objective of economic and social cohesion of the regions of Spain and Portugal, in the framework of the community Regional Policy (CRP). We build a synthetic indicator of a multidimensional approach taking into account a large number of variables defined in the reports on economic cohesion and Social of the Union European, grouped according to the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy to promote the smart, sustainable and inclusive growth. This indicator allows comparisons among the regions studied, on the basis of information provided by a set of variables. For this purpose, we use the Pena distance method for the year 2012, which is the latest year for which data is available. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo proponer la construcción de un nuevo indicador sintético, que nos permita medir el progreso en el objetivo de la cohesión económica y social de las regiones de la cohesión de España y Portugal, en el marco de la Política Regional Comunitaria (PRC). Se construye un indicador sintético, con un enfoque multidimensional, teniendo en cuenta un gran número de variables definidas en los informes sobre la cohesión económica y social de la Unión Europea, que se agrupan de acuerdo con los objetivos de la Estrategia Europa 2020 para promover un crecimiento inteligente, sostenible e integrador. Este indicador permite realizar comparaciones entre las regiones estudiadas, sobre la base de la información proporcionada por el conjunto de las variables consideradas. Con este fin, se utiliza el método de distancia de Pena para el año 2012, último año con datos disponibles.

Автор рассматривает политико-административные и ментальные факторы, способствовавшие углублению европейского долгового кризиса и росту разочарования ЕС в Германии. В статье подробно обсуждается реакция немецкого общества на проявления кризиса внешней задолженности ЕС и представлен авторский взгляд на политические аспекты возможного решения проблемы выхода из него. ; This article is written in defense of the EU. True, such a stance is not in line with the present negative trend of public opinion regarding the EU, both in Western Europe and abroad, which reflects its financial crisis. Indeed, this position opposes the very mainstream of arguments currently prevailing. In analyzing the reasons for this negative perception, the author has identified at least three causes: the financial crisis of the EU, the handling of this crisis as a result of the EU's strange architecture, and the reforms which have been initiated but which have not yet borne fruit. What is the therapy favored by the author? It is his conviction that in the long run the ongoing reforms will be successful. He considers that at present the EU is in fact dealing with adolescent growing pains, which will be overcome in due course. The actual structure of the EU, though quite new and previously untested, is sound and strong and worth maintaining. Indeed, it is a revolutionary construction of a quite new political community, which intends neither to be nor ever to become a state, but rather to establish a "union of states" in which the states are and remain the "masters of the constitution". This union must first be accomplished, of course, if the EU is to stand the test of time, rather than being sacrificed by disappointed member states and disintegrate again into its constituent parts of supposedly sovereign states.

Рассмотрена общая ситуация со здоровьем населения Европы. Показано, что в последние десятилетия в странах Европейского Союза существует устойчивая тенденция к улучшению показателей здоровья. Отмечается, что в странах бывшего СССР, включая Украину, идет обратный процесс. Раскрыты возможности усовершенствованной системы физического воспитания студентов в повышении показателей уровня физического развития, функционального состояния и здоровья студенческой молодежи и населения страны в целом. Отмечается, что интенсивная физическая активность юношей и девушек составляет всего 3 4 мин в сутки, а умеренная и общая немногим больше 1 часа. Отмечается, что усиление образовательной компоненты вузовской дисциплины Физическое воспитание определяется профессиональными и личностными характеристиками преподавателей кафедр физического воспитания, их готовностью к самосовершенствованию и развитию. Показаны перспективы использования личностно ориентированного похода в реформировании вузовской учебной дисциплины Физическое воспитание. ; It is considered the general health situation of the population of Europe. It is shown that in the last decade in the European Union there is a steady trend towards better health. It is noted that in the countries of the former Soviet Union, including Ukraine, the reverse process. Revealed the possibility of improved system of physical education students in improving indicators of physical development, functional status and health of students and the general population. It is noted that the intense physical activity of young people is only 3 4 minutes per day, and moderate and total just over 1 hour. It is noted that the enhancement of the educational component of university discipline Physical Education is defined professional and personal characteristics of teachers of physical education departments, their willingness to self-improvement and development. The prospects for the use of personal-oriented campaign in the reform of university academic discipline Physical Education.