Suchergebnisse

Während der syrische Bürgerkrieg zugunsten des Regimes von Präsident Bashar al‑Assad entschieden scheint, haben der Prozess und die Debatte über die Normalisierung der Beziehungen arabischer Länder mit Syrien und dessen mögliche Wieder­eingliederung in die Arabische Liga (AL) bereits begonnen. Eine Rück­kehr zur diplo­ma­tischen Nor­ma­lität würde die Legitimität des syrischen Regimes stärken. Dies würde dem Bestreben Deutschlands und der Europäischen Union (EU) entgegen­wirken, die gemeinsam mit den USA das syrische Regime mittels Sanktionen und Isolation zur Verhandlung einer politischen Lösung des Konfliktes bewegen wollen. Neben der Diskussion über die frag­liche Rückkehr Syriens in die AL besprechen die hier vorgestellten Beiträge die Beweggründe arabischer Länder, ihre Beziehungen mit Damaskus zu normalisieren, sowie den Einfluss externer Akteure und der Corona-Pandemie auf diesen Prozess. (Autorenreferat)

By being part into the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma, this research takes its framework in a historical analysis of relations between rebel groups and governments, in order to better understand the mechanisms of demands and negotiations between these two actors. In this paper, we propose to test the validity of the theory of the rebels' credibility dilemma in Latin America, and to provide specific precision to this geographical area. For that, our approach proposes an historical and political study on data going from 1945 to 2019. The study is characterized by the creation of specific classifications and a relative power indicator of the rebel groups, making it possible to highlight new specificities of the rebels' credibility dilemma. The results show that globally the theory seems valid on the studied area, but that new parameters can be implemented to the initial theory, namely the search for popular and international credibility, through a general model of the rebels' credibility dilemma.

Chapter 1 Introduction -- Chapter 2 Nationality, Statelessness, Family Relationships, Documentation and Foundlings -- Chapter 3 Defining a 'Foundling' -- Chapter 4 Defining 'Unknown-ness' of Parentage -- Chapter 5 Burden and Standard of Proof in Determining Unknown-ness of Parentage -- Chapter 6 Age of a Foundling, and Being 'Found' in the Territory -- Chapter 7 'Proof to the Contrary' and Conditions for Nationality Withdrawal -- Chapter 8 Recommendations – Model Foundling Provision -- Annex 1 Comparative Table of Legislation on the Nationality of Foundlings of 193 UN Member States -- Annex 2 Foundling Provisions as of 1953 (non-exhaustive) -- Bibliography. .

The massive influx of weapons into already unstable regions, where they
are sometimes sold for a pittance, justifies grave doubts about respect for
humanitarian standards. Such proliferation sets in motion a vicious circle
in which people arm themselves out of fear for their safety, thus further
destabilizing the situation, which is soon governed by the law of the
jungle. At that point, any and all standards are ignored. The result:
tension, unrest, violence, even armed conflict, all of which is extremely
detrimental to any effort to foster respect for international humanitarian
law. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which monitors
compliance with that law, cannot stand idly by. Its President therefore
voiced the organization's concern to the 26th International Conference of
the Red Cross and Red Crescent, held in 1995, and reminded governments of
their responsibilities.

Die Situation der Streitkräfte in Rußland ist in vielerlei Hinsicht sehr unbefriedigend. Am meisten bekümmert die militärischen Führer der Verlust an Rüstungsausstattung, Ansehen und Macht. Der zivilen Führung wird zum Vorwurf gemacht, die militärischen Interessen vollständig zu vernachlässigen. Unter diesen Umständen erscheint Selbsthilfe als einziger Ausweg: materielle Selbsthilfe durch den Aufbau kommerzieller Strukturen und politische Selbsthilfe durch aktive Teilnahme am politischen Prozeß (wie namentlich durch Kandidaturen bei Wahlen). (BIOst-Mrk)

In post-conflict societies, elections play several roles. They provide citizens with the opportunity to freely chose their leaders and representatives, and provide countries emerging from civil wars with new opportunities to come to terms with a traumatic past and rebuild their lives and societies in a secure and stable environment. For the international community, post-conflict elections lend credibility to peace agreements and provide an exit strategy. However, when elections are poorly timed or administered, and outstanding issues of justice, participation, national ownership and sustainability of the peace process are not well addressed, there is always a chance that the entire process may unravel. This report based on the debates and discussions of a panel debate on Winners and Losers in Post-Conflict Elections in West Africa, draws on insights from post-conflict elections in the sub-region and provides some crucial policy recommendations as well as areas for further research.

Scholars of the resource curse argue that reliance on primary commodities destabilizes governments: price fluctuations generate windfalls or periods of austerity that provoke or intensify conflict. 350 quantitative studies test this claim, but prominent results point in different directions, making it difficult to discern which results reliably hold across contexts. We conduct a meta-analysis of 46 natural experiments that use difference-in-difference designs to estimate the causal effect of international commodity price changes on armed conflict. We show commodity price changes, on average, do not change conflict risks. However, this overall effect comprises cross-cutting effects by commodity type. In line with theory, we find price increases in labor-intensive agricultural commodities reduce conflict, while increases in the price of oil, a capital-intensive commodity, provoke conflict. We also find that prices changes for lootable artisanal minerals provoke conflict. Our meta-analysis consolidates existing evidence, but also highlights gaps for future research to fill.

In the 1960s, when I was Head of the (UK) Government Economic Service, I kept a private diary of conversations and events which has just been published. The excerpts from the diary which appear below relate to what I learned in 1967–8 about French attitudes to issues of international importance in which the United Kingdom was involved. The diary deals with four such issues: (1) the British application to join the European Economic Community; (2) the proposals to add to international liquidity through the creation of a new unit or, alternatively, of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs); (3) the British devaluation of 1967; and (4) the Bonn Conference in November 1968, at which it was widely expected that agreement would be reached to devalue the franc and revalue the mark.

Partial contents: Recent Soviet involvement: escalation or disinterest? Soviet intentions and power: possibilities in the Middle East; The Arab-Israeli conflict: superpower contributions to peace.

On each side of the Atlantic, political & military leaders seem to agree less & less about the opportunity to intervene militarily, on where to intervene, & on the employment of military force. Why? The goal of this paper is to explore the sources of Transatlantic divergences regarding military power. The paper focuses on how political & military leaders in Europe & in the United States perceive the problems associated with military power & its uses. First, we examine the existing frameworks to explain Transatlantic divergences & then we identify our approach, based on perceptions & the role of military institutions. Second, we highlight the differences in the perception of military power by policy-makers in Europe & in the United States. Third, we identify the main characteristics of the conception of force employment in the United States & in Europe. Adapted from the source document.