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Gender plays a central role in the decision to migrate and the composition of the migration flows. Emigration is the process experienced differently by women and men. The experience of immigration profoundly impacts on the public and private lives of women – their participation in the labour force, their religiousness, their marital roles and satisfaction, and their autonomy and self-esteem. One of the possible effects of migration is the emancipation of women. There is a direct connection between emancipation and integration. In contrast to integrated western societies emancipated immigrant women, immigrants from traditional cultures are not interested in the integration. They risk not only the loss of cultural identity, but also their own identity.

This article discusses superordinate national identity as a means for immigrants integration into democratic polities. It is suggested that a superordinate national identity perceived as inclusive, by immigrants and by the native population, would be conducive to such integration. Command of the dominant language of society is seen as most important of the inclusive criteria. Other such criteria are respect of the country's political institutions and feelings of belonging to the country where you live. The argument is supported by data, showing a majority in favour of inclusive criteria for 'Swedishness', from a recent study among 1000 secondary school students of 'Swedish' and non-'Swedish' backgrounds.

Gender ideologies and race and nationality among employers and employees are important in reproducing migrant Mexican workers' status in a segmented U.S. labor market. A survey of 110 employers combined with interviews shows how gender, race, and nationality are reproduced within and outside of the workplace. Employers prefer Mexican workers because of what they feel is a stronger work ethic among recent immigrants, but these preferences are influenced by preexisting ideas about native-born and black workers. Immigrant men are seen as "providers" while Mexican women are seen as good, docile workers except when they have "domestic" issues such as families.

This thanksgiving 2006 will witness the anniversary almost to the day ninety-seven years ago, when the immigrant shopgirls of New York's shirtwaist factories called a general strike. This past April, and then on May Day, immigrant workers, 120 years after the first strike movement for the eight-hour day (May Day, 1886), asserted their claim to just treatment. The fall and rise of sweatshop labor in New York and elsewhere in the global garment industry is a story with lessons for our time, for the struggles over the sweatshop issue today echo the issues and contentions of a century ago. Then, as now, there was tension between workers and their middle-class allies.

The author contends that Samuel Huntingtons claim that Mexicans are forming a separate nation within the US rests on several misconceptions. Educational advancement & patterns of language assimilation are examined. Furthermore, the Hispanization of Miami by Cubans is compared to the Mexican American population. However, there is a fundamental difference: the initial Cuban immigrants were the elite that fled the country during the revolution whereas the Mexican immigrants are mostly low-wage workers seeking a better life in the US. The author concludes that Mexican Americans are not striving to establish a separate nation but acknowledges that their integration into the mainstream society poses problems. Tables, References. E. Sanchez

The growth of the early film industry in the US coincided with the institutionalisation of racial segregation at all levels of society. At the same time, an increasingly self-assertive Black middle class had begun to organise itself culturally, socially, politically and economically in ways that contradicted the virulent cultural racism underpinning 'Jim Crow'. The importance of the new medium is often stressed for its role in cohering America's new immigrant communities. However, it is its political function in the service of white supremacy and big business - a cultural instrument to cement racism and foreclose any potential alliance between Black and immigrant labour - that is explored for the first time here.

In an age of globalization, the evolution of immigrant families, still uncertain and variable, will entail complex relationships involving not only identificatory redefinitions as played out on the worldwide cultural scene, but also the integration of descendentsof immigrants in the national scheme as played out on the socio-economic and political field of equal opportunity. ; A l'ère de la mondialisation, le devenir encore incertain et variable selon les groupes de l'immigration familiale se noue dans les rapports complexes entre des redéfinitions identitaires qui se jouent sur la scène culturelle mondialisée, et l'intégration des descendants des immigrés dans l'ordre national, qui se joue sur le terrain socio-économique et politique de l'égalisation des chances.

In an age of globalization, the evolution of immigrant families, still uncertain and variable, will entail complex relationships involving not only identificatory redefinitions as played out on the worldwide cultural scene, but also the integration of descendentsof immigrants in the national scheme as played out on the socio-economic and political field of equal opportunity. ; A l'ère de la mondialisation, le devenir encore incertain et variable selon les groupes de l'immigration familiale se noue dans les rapports complexes entre des redéfinitions identitaires qui se jouent sur la scène culturelle mondialisée, et l'intégration des descendants des immigrés dans l'ordre national, qui se joue sur le terrain socio-économique et politique de l'égalisation des chances.

In an age of globalization, the evolution of immigrant families, still uncertain and variable, will entail complex relationships involving not only identificatory redefinitions as played out on the worldwide cultural scene, but also the integration of descendentsof immigrants in the national scheme as played out on the socio-economic and political field of equal opportunity. ; A l'ère de la mondialisation, le devenir encore incertain et variable selon les groupes de l'immigration familiale se noue dans les rapports complexes entre des redéfinitions identitaires qui se jouent sur la scène culturelle mondialisée, et l'intégration des descendants des immigrés dans l'ordre national, qui se joue sur le terrain socio-économique et politique de l'égalisation des chances.

A historical analysis of academic and popular ideas about Mexican immigrants and their children by members of the Mexican intelligentsia reveals a changing understanding of the meaning of immigration and ethnicity. Starting with a widespread view of Mexican immigrants to the United States as "cultural traitors", Mexican public opinion about this group gradually changed due to both the political evolution of Mexican intellectuals and the growing economic and political power of Latinos in the United States. The Mexican government has increasingly come to see Chicano political leaders as important to Mexico's relationship with the United States, while Mexican intellectuals increasingly regard Chicano academics as their allies in a struggle against North American hegemony.

Economic, social and familial resources are known to influence subjective health assessments. We examine the salience of nativity in determining how these resources influence self-assessed health using a large, nationwide sample of Hispanic and non-Hispanic white adults. The results indicate that while education, accumulated assets and marital status benefit the physical and emotional health of the native and foreign-born, family resources and income are significant only for the native-born. English language proficiency is a significant protective factor for both groups and is especially protective for immigrants. These surprising findings call into question previous studies stressing the positive role of the family in maintaining immigrant health.

"Is assimilation dead?" (Glazer, 1993). One group of sociologists argues that the classical assimilation model no longer, if it ever did, serves to facilitate our understanding of immigrant incorporation into American society. Another group contends that it remains a powerful tool. In this paper I test these two alternatives through an analyses of changing patterns of Cuban American nuptiality behavior throughout the 1970–90 period. Based predominantly on PUMS of the 1970, 1980 and 1990 U.S. censuses, I find support for the conjecture that the classical assimilation model, with some modifications, continues to provide us with a viable tool to study contemporary immigrant incorporation in the United States.

This paper presents a first attempt at understanding some of the many issues involved in the granting of an amnesty to illegal immigrants. We consider government behavior with respect to allocations on limiting infiltration (border control) and apprehending infiltrators (internal control) and with respect to the granting of amnesties, the timing of amnesties, and limitations on eligibility for those amnesties. We demonstrate the effects of government actions on allocations and the flow of immigrants, and how the interactions between these factors combine to yield an optimal amnesty policy. We also consider various extensions such as intertemporal transfers of policing funds, risk-aversion, and -fuzziness, in declarations regarding eligibility for an amnesty aimed at apprehending and deporting undesirables.

This paper presents a first attempt at understanding some of the many issues involved in the granting of an amnesty to illegal immigrants. We consider government behavior with respect to allocations on limiting infiltration (border control) and apprehending infiltrators (internal control) and with respect to the granting of amnesties, the timing of amnesties, and limitations on eligibility for those amnesties. We demonstrate the effects of government actions on allocations and the flow of immigrants, and how the interactions between these factors combine to yield an optimal amnesty policy. We also consider various extensions such as intertemporal transfers of policing funds, risk-aversion, and ?fuzziness? in declarations regarding eligibility for an amnesty aimed at apprehending and deporting undesirables.

The apparent persistence of Jewish liberalism contradicts the belief that upward economic mobility leads to political conservatism among immigrant groups. However, some have suggested that Jews are losing their political distinctiveness from non-Jewish whites. The authors analyzed the 1993 Los Angeles mayoral election. A near majority of Jews voted against the liberal candidate and for the moderate Republican candidate, yet Jews and non-Jewish whites differed markedly on partisan and ideological dimensions. Although Jews may not always vote for liberal candidates, major political differences between Jews and non-Jewish whites remain. Jews continue to resist the general trend of other European immigrant groups to "become white."