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Letter from Blair (Washington) to Dawson (Cincinnati, Ohio) regarding a proposed condensed life of Martin Van Buren and Col. Johnson; correspondence between William Henry Harrison and Colonel Groghan; the Sandusky affair; aid for Dawson's Life of Van Buren; and anxiety for Federalist interpretation of certain articles. ; https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/dawson_correspondence/1027/thumbnail.jpg

In the wake of the Enron and WorldCom accounting scandals, Congress created the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board ("PCAOB") under the aegis of the Securities and Exchange Commission ("SEC"), with President Bush's support. Its purpose was to replace deficient accounting industry self-regulation with effective external regulation. The choices it made in doing so engendered passionate arguments about constitutionally necessary presidential authority and separation of powers. These divided the D.C. Circuit 2-1 and will be rehearsed before the Supreme Court in the coming weeks. President Bush's administration defended those choices; Judge Rogers, writing for the majority, found no valid constitutional objection to them (albeit not without some difficulty). On the other side, petitioners the Free Enterprise Fund and Judge Kavanaugh in dissent marshaled strong arguments that, if accepted in their entirety, would put the constitutionality of a wide range of government institutions in shadow. Starting with the constitutional text, and seeming almost to regard the cases as a nuisance to an intermediate court judge, Judge Kavanaugh's opinion is an open invitation to the originalists on the Court. The grant of certiorari, after extensive filings venturing far more deeply into the merits of the case than, in the writer's experience, is generally supposed to happen, suggests that the newly reconstituted Court could well prove sympathetic.

"When Barack Obama was re-elected president in November 2012, his Republican challenger, Mitt Romney, took the blame for being alternately too moderate or too conservative; his vast wealth made him unappealing to voters; and his robotic persona meant he just could not connect. How, then, did he win the nomination? This book examines mainstream media coverage of the 2012 Republican primary season to identify and examine the frames used to make sense of the candidates and the race."--

Vol. I: Lessons learned and unmet challenges : Conference Proceedings. - 134 S.; Vol. II: Remarks by President Georg Bush, President Carlos Salinas, and Prime Minister Biran Mulroney. - 72 S. : Lit. Hinw

Joe Biden is President, Kamala Harris is Vice-President, and Donald Trump is out of office, but what are the repercussions of the weeks prior to this dramatic power shift?

Interview with Václav Havel, President of Czechoslovakia, Dec. 1989-July 1992, and President of the Czech Republic, Jan. 1993-Feb. 2, 2003. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 423 and 437.

ON SEPTEMBER 27, 1991, U.S. PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH PROPOSED NEW INITIATIVES ON SUPERPOWER ARMS REDUCTIONS. THIS ARTICLE CONTAINS THE TEXTS OF BOTH BUSH'S SPEECH AND SOVIET PRESIDENT MIKHAIL GORBACHEV'S RESPONSE.

The relevance of the problem of this article lies in determining the current content of the issues of the personnel policy of the Russian Navy and its most important components such as social security, social security of military personnel and their families. The profession of a military sailor today is associated with many restrictions, the need to be constantly ready to take up combat duty, especially in the situation of the Russian Federation conducting a special operation in Ukraine. The requirements for professional training and personal qualities of the military personnel of the Navy are increasing in the most serious way. The solution of the goals and objectives of naval activity today is impossible without a quality personnel policy, the provision of social guarantees and social protection. The article defines the goals and objectives of the study. Official documents of the level of presidential decrees, scientific articles of a theoretical and methodological nature, and specialists — practitioners of the Russian Navy were used as an empirical and information base for the study. It is shown that the modern state policy in the field of maritime activities for the period up to 2030 is determined by a number of state documents of a legal, doctrinal, strategic and planning nature. At the highest political level — the presidential Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of July 20, 2017 N 327, the content of the social security sphere of the Navy is determined and a number of social guarantees are fixed for military personnel and their families, civilian personnel of the Navy and federal security service agencies. The author made conclusions and recommendations.

Using original data from the period 1999-2011 on federal infrastructure investment for all subnational units in two federations, Argentina and Brazil, and a unitary nation, Colombia, this study shows that in developing federal countries with strong governors, presidents use nonearmarked transfers as a tool to compensate governors for sizable and secure territorial political support. The study argues that in these cases, resources do not make electoral power but chase it. In the unitary case, conversely, governors do not influence distributive politics. Variation also was found in the relevance of Congress, legislative overrepresentation, and programmatic criteria across cases. The article discusses possible reasons for these results and their implications for the comparative debate on distributive politics. Adapted from the source document.

This article discusses the participation of civil society during the governments of President Lula, particularly in institutional public spaces. The participation of civil society in decision-making processes, incorporated in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, has been a central principle in the political project of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) since its foundation in 1980. This paper examines the extent to which this principle has remained effective and has been actively implemented at the federal level since the PT came to power in 2002. It also analyzes the concrete results of implementing greater participation and the difficulties faced in doing so. In addition, it explores both the continuities and new developments that have emerged during the government of Lula's successor, Dilma Rousseff. Adapted from the source document.

This paper studies the actions carried out by Mexico in relation to the Middle East in the fields of trade and investment, politics, scientific and cultural cooperation and the multilateral agenda (human rights and the environment). The foreign policy focus of Mexico with regard to the Middle East during this administration was dominated by economic interests. The positions taken by Mexico on the issues of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Iran's nuclear program were in line with those assumed in the past. The factor bearing the greatest weight on these sensitive political issues is Mexico's close relationship with the United States, filtered through the preferences, interests and prejudices of the President and decision-makers in Mexico and Washington. Adapted from the source document.

The Obama administration produced two remarkable legal opinions about the use of military force against Libya. A memo by the Office of Legal Counsel reasoned that the operations did not amount to "war." Later, after military actions exceeded the 90‐day limit of the War Powers Resolution (WPR), President Obama was advised by White House Counsel Robert Bauer and State Department Legal Advisor Harold Koh that the operations did not even constitute "hostilities" within the meaning of the WPR. This article examines those interpretations and other legal arguments by the executive branch, including the claim that the military actions in Libya had been "authorized" by the UN Security Council and North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies.

This paper applies theories of strategic conflict avoidance and diversionary war to help explain US-Iranian interactions. The article argues that US attempts at coercive diplomacy have tended to strengthen hardliners in Iran by allowing them to frame opposition to government policies as support for the United States. In particular, US public uncertainty about the advisability of using force against Iran provided both the Supreme Leader and the Iranian President with an opportunity to increase tensions with the United States with little concern about provoking a military strike. The aggressive stance of the Iranian regime is about developing a threat which diverts attention from domestic problems and places it firmly in the arena of the international. Adapted from the source document.