Borders and mobility in arts, history, and well-being -- Comparison of curcumin content and antioxidant activity of turmeric samples collected from Indonesia and Thailand: Considerations for the future sharing of the natural resource A. Dechakhamphu, J. Junlatat, M. Agil, B. Prajogo and N. Pursariwati -- Efficiency of household accounting: A case study of a model village in Thailand N. Thongprasert and S. Mala -- Forecasts for trans-border mobility: A case study of agricultural products imported from Laos to Thailand via the Chong-Mek border N. Nanthasamroeng -- Social class representation: FoodTruck Culinary Surabaya community R. Rahartika -- The Bawean ethnic language: Attitude and diglossic community culture S.W.B. Utami -- Multi-ethnic and religious conflicts in media reported by international online media: http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/statue-of-chinese-god-guan-yu-stokestension-in-indonesia P. Wibawanto -- Demystifying Nusantara A. Bahroni -- Commercial activities and development of the towns in the west side of Banda Sea Indonesia, early twentieth century L.O. Rabani -- Borders and mobility in literature and culture -- Remixed Javaneseness: Lyrics of levelling adiluhung non-adiluhung E.D. Riyanto -- The expression of cultural values in Sundanese manuscripts of the Mandala period H.M. Lyra, D. Indira and T. Muhtadin -- Criticisms of the depiction of freedom of characters in Dewi Lestaris novel entitled Supernova: Kesatria, Putri dan Bintang Jatuh M.N.A.T. Gemilang -- Translation ideology recommendation for translating cultural issues in children comics from English into Indonesian: Crossing the borders between language and culture of SLT and TLT Nurlaila, M. Nababan, Djatmika and R. Santosa -- The directors responses and the shaping of Indonesias identity in the European film festival funding R. Ihwanny and M. Budiman -- Children in Indonesian cinema during colonialism: The border of cross-identity S. Wibawa -- Mimicking East Asian popular culture products: Temporality of urban global culture in Indonesia S.M.G. Tambunan -- Representation of nostalgia for home in diasporic poetry: An analysis of selected poems of mahtem shiferraw S. Elias -- Returned participants Perception of the Sarjana Mengajar di Daerah Terluar, Terdepan dan Tertinggal (SM-3T) program Y.S. Amalia, C.S. Budiono and R. Andini -- Capital reconversion practices by Srintil in the novel Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk T.W. Iswara -- Borders and mobility in language and multilingualism -- Morphological system of Javanese verbs in the border area of East Java (Tapal Kuda) A.S. Rohmah, Mahdar and W.A. Sari -- Javanese Unggah-Ungguh level used in some rubrics of the Jaya Baya and Panjebar Semangat magazines B.D.Y. Puteri -- The role of language in border relations (Desa Tajungan Kec Kamal, Kab Bangkalan, Madura) D.R. Sugiharti, Miladiyah and Y.S. Amalia -- Indirect criticism in the ethnic Madurese community: Its various semantic formulas, lingual markers, and context of use E. Jauhari and D. Purnanto -- Multilingualism and mobility: Defining borders within Surabaya city through the linguistic cityscape E. Rusnaningtias -- Border or beyond: Dangdut jazzs reception and liminality analysis in the ITS Jazz community F.Z. Putri and B.A. Sansoko -- Culture shifting from wearing sarong to wearing trousers amongst the people of Bangkalan Madura I. Husna -- Linguistic landscapes: A study of human mobility and identity change K. Artawa and N.W. Sartini -- Language transfer in Javanese video clips on YouTube: A sociolinguistic analysis of Cak Ikins Culoboyo videos S.D.S. Tungga and T. Suhardijanto -- Linguistic landscape as a social identity construction of the public space: The case of Batu District Y. Indarti -- Borders and mobility in education and policies -- Policy implementation for fulfilling 30% quota of womens representation in the 2014 legislative member election: A study on the PDI-P and the PPP in Palangka Raya R.S. Tulis -- Empowering SMEs and cooperatives: Export capacity building in the era of AEC trade liberalisation Koesrianti, D. Puspitawati and N.A. Kurniasari -- Development of an exercise program to enhance the ability of students in Thai massage classroom: Considerations for promoting traditional medicine education at national and international levels K. Peng-ngummuang, K. Noiming, P. Promsit, S. Srisanga and J. Junlatat -- Gaming is learning: No more border between children with and without autism spectrum disorder L.H. Suryawardhani and Y.S. Amalia -- Homeschooling as an alternative education system in Surabaya Wulansary -- Borders and mobility in gender, identity, and behaviorism -- Environmentalism and consumerism: The contradiction of globalization in behavior consumption of the urban middle class in Surabaya, Indonesia D.A. Arimbi, N. Wulan and F. Colombijn -- The enforcement of state territoriality and shifting on borderlanders mobility: The case of IndonesiaMalaysia border in Sebatik Island L. Puryanti -- Civil society and the model of Dayak identity struggle in Central Kalimantan: A framework of neo-GramscianTocquevillian analysis A. Haridison and J.R.A. Sandi -- Girl marriage and marginalisation of women in the cities of East Java E. Susanti -- Ajhemo practice among Madurese women and its correlation with independently healthy life behaviour S. Ratnawati -- Muslimah identity on the Wardah Muslim-segmented cosmetic products N.C. Fajri -- Borders and mobility in maritime, spatial movement and locality -- Movements around island and waterfront reclamation projects T. Kerr -- Maintaining expressions of prohibition (pamali) as signaling the existence of tengger communitys culture D. Handayani and M. Lutfi -- Multiculturalism and local wisdom in the Gilimanuk-Bali community I.B.P. Manuaba -- Cultural capital of traders on Pahing Sunggingan market in Boyolali J.S. Gumilang, M. Wijaya, B. Haryono and M. Si -- The Legend of Nusantara: Disguising the boundary between locality and globality in Indoeskrim Nusantaras commercial advertisement Milawaty -- Urban environmental quality and human well-being assessment: Towards walkable neighborhood (A case study of Dr. Soetomo Hospital, Surabaya) E.T. Sunarti, A.B. Tribhuwaneswari, O.E. Rachmalisa and R.P. Kurniasanti -- Trialectic city space based on an immigrant view through urbanisation: A study on settlement migrants in Surabaya city I.Y.A. Rohmah -- The influence of social mobility on cultural values: A case study on Chinese-Indonesians in Surabaya, Indonesia preliminary research R.A. Saputra -- Local government capacity in managing fishery conflict in the IndonesiaMalaysia maritime border zone M.A.P. Sari, M.R.K. Muluk and Sujarwoto -- Coffee stall: Politics identity of Cangkrukan L. Santoso and M.G.R. Pandin -- Borders and mobility in media, technology and global research -- Awareness and preparation for cross-border future careers under the one belt, one road initiative proposed by the Peoples Republic of China (PRC): A case study of students majoring in Chinese at UBRU, Thailand and HUFL, Vietnam S. Songsukrojiroad and L.L. Chuyen -- Articulating Indonesian migrant domestic workers activism in Hong Kong and the use of communication technology I. Wahyudi -- Interagency collaborative team in broadcasting management at the border area of Sintang Regency, Indonesia L.H. Kurnia, I.W. Midhio and T.B. Prasetyo -- Border broadcasts and national identity representation in Entikong, West Kalimantan L. Tjahjandari, T.I. Setyani and L.H. Kurnia -- The slut-shaming phenomenon in social media: A case study on female English literature students of Binus University P. Ayuningtyas and A.A.T. Kariko -- Mobile life, communication technology, and disreputable literacy S. Herminingrum.
Naisten valtaistumisesta (empowerment) on tullut globaali ilmiö nykyisessä kehitysajattelussa. Inklusiivinen hallinta, kestävä kehitys, köyhyyden vastustaminen ja sukupuolten välisen diskriminaation vähentäminen eivät ole mahdollisia missään maassa, ennen kuin naiset otetaan mukaan kehityksen rakentamiseen. Naisten osallistuminen kotitaloutta koskevaan päätöksentekoon on naisten valtaistumisprosessin kulmakivi. Microcredit-järjestelmästä on tullut merkittävä toimenpide viime vuosikymmenien aikana Bangladeshissa mitä tulee naisten valtaistumiseen yhteiskunnassa. Järjestelmän piiriin kuuluvat Bangladeshissa köyhät ja epävirallista työtä tekevät naiset. Järjestelmä tarjoaa mahdollisuuksia osaamistason nostoon, organisatorista tukea ja tietoisuuden kasvattamista riskioloissa eläville naisille. Vaikka tutkimuskirjallisuudessa Microcredit-järjestelmää on pääasiassa tuotu esille yhteiskunnallisena potentiaalina Bangladeshissa, on tutkimuskirjallisuudesta välittyvä kuva myös ristiriitainen. Järjestelmään näyttää liittyvän onnistumisen lisäksi myös epäonnistumisia. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Microcredit-järjestelmän ja naisten valtaistumisen välistä suhdetta – sitä, miten osallistuminen järjestelmään lisää lainaajina olevien naisten osallisuutta kodissa tapahtuvassa päätöksenteossa. Tarkemmin sanoen tutkimuskysymys on: edistääkö Microcredit-järjestelmään osallistuvien naisten roolia kotitaloudessa tapahtuvassa päätöksenteossa erityisesti koulutukseen, terveyteen, kodin rahatalouteen ja avioliittoon liittyvissä kysymyksissä? Tutkimuksessa hyödynnettiin monenlaisia tutkimusmetodeja tutkimusprosessin eri vaiheissa. Tutkimus perustuu kuitenkin pääasiassa laadulliseen aineistoon. Kyseessä on empiirinen tutkimus, joka perustuu ensikäden lähteisiin kokonaisvaltaisen ymmärryksen saamiseksi tutkimuskohteesta. Tästä syystä tutkimuksessa keskityttiin laadullisiin tutkimusmenetelmiin ja –aineistoihin. Tutkimusmenetelminä sovellettiin sisällönanalyysia, teemahaastattelumenetelmää, virallisia ja epävirallisia keskusteluja, osallistuvaa havainnointia ja jossain määrin myös formaalia survey-tekniikkaa ja kyselyjen tekemistä. Näiden lisäksi tutkimusaineistoa täydennettiin myös toisen käden tutkimusaineistolla ja tutkimuskirjallisuudella. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana on kokonaisvaltainen teoreettinen viitekehys, jossa keskeisiä käsitteitä ovat naisten valtaistuminen, Microcredit-järjestelmä, kotitaloudessa tapahtuva päätöksenteko ja osallisuus. Tutkimuskirjallisuutta käytettiin hyödyksi nimenomaan teoreettisen viitekehyksen luomisessa. Tutkimusprosessissa tutkimuskirjallisuutta analysoitiin systemaattisesti tulkitsemalla ja uudelleen tulkitsemalla tutkimuksen kannalta avainkäsitteitä. Tutkimuksen empiirisen osion keskiössä oli Microcredit-järjestelmän ja naisten valtaistumisen välinen suhde. Viime vuosikymmenien aikana tapahtuneesta kehityksestä huolimatta edelleen monet seikat estävät ja hidastavat naisten valtaistumista ja osallisuutta Bangladeshissa. Tällaisia seikkoja ovat muun muassa puutteellinen koulutus, köyhyys ja heikot taloudelliset olosuhteet, perinteiset sosiaaliset normit ja arvot, uskonnollisten normien ja arvojen väärin tulkinnat, puutteellinen sosiaalinen tietoisuus, avioituminen varhaisessa iässä, puutteellinen sosiaaliturva ja olematon oikeusturva. Tämän tutkimuksen empiiristen havaintojen mukaan Microcredit-järjestelmä auttaa naisia voittamanaan edellä kaltaisen tapaisia esteitä, mikä edistää naisten valtaistumista. Tutkimuksen johtopäätökset alleviivaavat sitä, että Microcredit-järjestelmällä on positiivinen vaikutus naisten valtaistumiseen ja että järjestelmä kannustaa siinä mukana olevia naisia osallistumaan kotitalouksissa tapahtuvaan päätöksentekoon. Tutkimuksessa tuodaan esille ruohonjuuritasolla se, miten järjestelmä toimii käytännössä. Tämä prosessi voidaan tiivistää seuraavalla tavalla: järjestelmä luo köyhille naisille mahdollisuuksia hankkia erilaisia pääomia ja se luo itse työllistymisen mahdollisuuksia naisille, joilta puuttuu pääomia. Samalla järjestelmä vaikuttaa siihen, että yhteiskunnassa naisia – ja erityisesti köyhiä naisia – arvostetaan enemmän yhteiskunnassa. Järjestelmä on tehnyt mahdolliseksi sen, että miljoonat naiset ovat pystyneet pakenemaan köyhyyden ja orjuuden ikeestä. Tutkimuksen empiirinen evidenssi paljastaa, että järjestelmä valtaistaa naiset antamalla heille taloudellista pääomaa ja tekemällä mahdolliseksi naisille ansaita omia tuloja, mikä puolestaan tekee mahdolliseksi naisten paremman osallistuminen kotitaloudessa ja erilaisissa yhteisöissä tapahtuvassa päätöksenteossa. Taloudellinen valtaistuminen vahvistaa naisten omanarvontuntoa. Erityisesti on syytä mainita, että järjestelmä tekee mahdolliseksi äärimmäisten köyhien naisten roolien muuttumisen yhteiskunnassa. Microcredit-järjestelmällä on tämän tutkimuksen perusteella vaikutuksia seuraaville elämänalueille: naisten oikeuksiin, kohentuneeseen itsetuntoon, lisääntyvään poliittiseen vaikutusvaltaan ja näin ollen myös vahvistuvaan rooliin kotitaloudessa tapahtuvassa päätöksenteossa. Tästä on seurauksena, että järjestelmä kiistatta edistää naisten osallisuutta päätöksenteossa ja samalla lisää merkityksellisellä tavalla naisten valtaistumista Bangladeshissa. Microcredit-järjestelmän menestyksen varmistamisessa tulee kuitenkin ottaa huomioon seuraavassa mainittuja tekijöitä. Korkea korkotaso, erittäin köyhien naisten sivuuttaminen, kotiväkivalta ja järjestelmään kuuluvien instituutioiden keskinäinen epäedullinen kilpailu ja osaoptimointi, huono hallinto ja koulutuksen puute rapauttavat pitkällä aikajänteellä järjestelmää, jos niihin ei puututa. Tutkimuksen perusteella voidaan sanoa, että naisten valtaistuminen on kollektiivinen prosessi, jota ei voida saavuttaa yksiulotteisilla toimenpiteillä. Microcredit-järjestelmä ei ole ihmelääke eikä ainoa tapa valtaistaa naisia ja kohentaa heidän asemaansa, mutta se on kieltämättä hyvin merkittävässä roolissa kun naisten yhteiskunnallista asemaa Bangladeshissa parannetaan, esimerkiksi kansalaisjärjestötoiminnan viitekehyksessä. Järjestelmän hyödyt ja pysyvyys ovat sidoksissa erilaisiin sosiaalisiin, kulttuurisiin ja poliittisiin tekijöihin. Näiden tekijöiden merkitys ei saa aliarvioida järjestelmän onnistumisen turvaamisessa ja siksi näihin tekijöihin liittyviin esteisiin tulee koko ajan kiinnittää huomiota, jotta naisten valtaistumisen prosessi yhteiskunnassa turvataan. Naisten valtaistuminen on monisäikeinen ja kontekstuaalinen tavoite, joka edellyttää integroitua yhteiskunnalliseen kehitykseen liittyvää lähestymistapaa. Lisäksi integroitu lähestymistapa tulee linkittää kansainvälisten apujärjestöjen toimintaan kaikilla eri tasoilla – ilman tätä naisten valtaistumimen ei tule saamaan riittävää huomiota osakseen. Lisäksi on otettava huomioon, etteivät Microcredit-järjestelmän hyödyt tule olemaan kestäviä ilman näkyvien muutosten esiintymistä järjestelmään piirissä olevien naisten elämässä. Tutkimustulokset viittaavat siihen, että Microcredit-järjestelmällä on ollut positiivinen vaikutus miljoonien erittäin köyhien naisten elämään Bangladeshissa. Jatkotutkimustarpeena onkin edellä mainitun integroidun lähestymistavan sisältö, jolloin huomio kiinnittyy hallinnan (governance) ja järjestelmän välisiin vastavuoroisiin suhteisiin. ; Women's empowerment has become a global phenomenon in the contemporary discourse of development. Inclusive governance, sustainable development, poverty alleviation and reduction of gender discrimination are not possible in any country unless and until women are included and associated with mainstream development. Women's participation in their household's decision-making process is a cornerstone of their empowerment. In recent decades, micro-credit has gained enormous importance as one of the key tools of women's empowerment in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, microcredit operations now provide support mostly to the poor and to women involved in informal activities mostly household related. Microcredit programs also offer skill-based training to supplement efficiency, organizational support, and awareness-raising to empower the disadvantaged women. Although, the literature on microcredit highlights its potential to empower women in Bangladesh, there are also contradictory findings and controversial successes and failures. Therefore, this study investigates the relationship between microcredit and women's empowerment i.e. how participation in microcredit programs effect borrowers' abilities to participate in their household's decision-making process. Specifically, this study asks: does microcredit promote borrowers' participation in their household's decision-making process, especially in the areas of education, health, savings, and marriage? Multiple research methods were used during the different phases of this study. However, primarily this dissertation employed qualitative methods. This is an empirical study, and first hand data and a comprehensive empirical study were needed to answer the central research question of this study. Therefore, various methods and techniques of qualitative research have been used to collect first hand data from Bangladesh such as content analysis, thematic interviews, formal and informal discussion, participant observations, interviews, participatory rural appraisal and formal questionnaire methods. In addition, a sizable data has been collected from the secondary sources. The theoretical framework of key concepts, such as women's empowerment, microcredit, household decision-making, and participation are presented in a very comprehensive manner. In order to better understand and justify the key concepts, a large amount of literature was reviewed, interpreted, reinterpreted and presented from a broad perspective. The relationship between microcredit and women's empowerment in general and the abilities of microcredit borrowers' to participate in their household decision-making process in particular have been presented with empirical references. Despite many attempts during the last few decades, grassroots evidences demonstrated that a number of challenges still inhibit the process of women's empowerment in Bangladesh. They are: lack of proper education, poverty and weak economic conditions, traditional social norms and values, misinterpretations of religious norms and values, a lack of social awareness, early marriage, a lack of social security, and a lack of proper law enforcement. Empirical findings also confirm that microcredit partly helps women to overcome these challenges and empower them. The findings of this study show that microcredit has a positive impact on women's empowerment and promotes microcredit borrowers to participate in the household decision-making process. The impacts of microcredit on women's empowerment, which were demonstrated at the grassroots level, could be summarized as: microcredit created opportunities for poor women to access capital; it has created self-employment opportunities for poor women who lack assets; microcredit has shown people how to respect the poor women in the society, and; microcredit has enabled millions of poor women to escape from slavery. Evidence reveals that microcredit empowers women by putting capital in their hands and by helping them to earn own income, which allows them to financially contribute to their families and communities. Economic empowerment increases their self-esteem, respect, and other forms of empowerment for women. Microcredit allows ultra-poor women to shift from non-participatory roles to participatory roles in their families. Microcredit empowers women in domains including: more rights, improved self-esteem, increase political power and thus increased participation in household decision making. As a result, microcredit promotes the borrowers to participate in the household decision-making process and meaningfully adds to the process of women's empowerment in Bangladesh. However, in order to promote and continue this process, several issues should be taken into account. These were identified as the limitations of microcredit on women's empowerment. They include high-interest rates, ignoring of the very poor, causing some instances of domestic violence, an unhealthy level of competition among the microcredit institutions, the misuse and mismanagement of credit by borrowers, and a lack of training and education for borrowers. Unquestionably, women's empowerment is a collective process and it can never be achieved by pushing a single strategy, such as NGO's microcredit programs. Microcredit is not a panacea and the only way to empower women, but it is one of the leading factors of women's empowerment introduced by the NGOs. The benefits of microcredit and its sustainability depend on other factors for example social, cultural and political factors. These factors should be addressed simultaneously in order to promote the process of women's empowerment. Women's empowerment is a multidimensional and contextual idea that requires an integrated approach to development. Without an integrated approach to all state and international aid agencies, women's empowerment will never get proper attention. Furthermore, the benefits of microcredit will never become sustainable and will never bring about viable, long-term changes for borrowers. Undeniably, microcredit has had a positive impact on the lives of millions of ultra-poor women in Bangladesh. Therefore, future research could explore how to build an integrated holistic approach to women's empowerment in Bangladesh.
This report, Europe and Central Asia - Missing Women in the South Caucasus : Local perceptions and proposed solutions, discusses research conducted on skewed sex ratios in the South Caucasus. It discusses (i) the factors that encourage sex selection in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, (ii) whether and how these might be changing; (iii) public awareness of and attitudes regarding skewed sex rations; and to propose potential policy responses. The report examines the following: factors contributing to smaller families and unbalanced sex rations in the South Caucasus, the reasons for underlying son preference, attitudes toward daughters, factors that make women vulnerable to pressures to produce sons. It also describes how intergenerational and gender relationships are starting to change and proposes some recommendations for addressing the factors that underlie unbalanced sex rations.
Anne of Austria offers an important part, yet neglected, in the the development of royal iconography in seventeenth century France. Devoided from management of power under the reign of her husband Louis XIII, she is however the subject of many representations. The number of her images increases when she accedes to the responsibilities of the government at the death of the king, in 1643, becoming regent in the name of her minor son, Louis XIV. Beyond its majority in 1651, she maintains herself at a prominent place, until the death of Mazarin in 1661. During these two decades, a deep political crisis in France culminates in the so-called Fronde. In this context, the image of Anne of Austria becomes the instrument of a visual narrative on monarchical authority and for the defense of the royal power. Crossing a large corpus of representations of the regent with textual sources, this thesis analyzes the visual construction of this narrative, and its effects on the evolution of the image of power in France after the reign of Louis XIII. In contemporary legal and symbolic literature, "majesty" is presented as he essential quality of the sovereign and the mark of his identity. It must then be visually translated in a female incarnation, despite the fundamental laws, in particular the Salic law, which however exclude women from power. The abundance of the images collected for this thesis, nearly five hundred items, offers an essential source to understand how the queen was able to overcome this constraint and contribute, by renewing its models, to the representation of the monarchical authority. This thesis allows us to reconsider the relationship between women and power. To analyze these different issues, the thesis is organized in four parts. The first part attempts to understand the image of the reigning queen, analyzing in a first chapter the legal definition of the queen, to show how the legal order determines the symbolic one. One can thus understand how the marriage of the queen in 1615 and her arrival at the court can be apprehended as an "iconographic birth". The second chapter explores the different features of this portrait of the queen, showing that it is at the same time a revelation of personal characteristics of the queen and a reaction to the queen's political and civil situation. The second part raises the question of the means implemented to operate the transformation of this image, which allows the queen to appear as regent of the kingdom. The third chapter analyzes in particular the chronological stages of this transformation, while the fourth chapter studies, from a practical point of view, the "fabrication" of this image. The third part then considers the content of the images, drawing up a three-step analysis of its iconography. The fifth chapter addresses the body of the queen as a support for the moral dimensions of her portrait. The sixth chapter deepens this question in the religious perspective, studying how the regent manages to produce the image of a queen "très chrétienne". The seventh chapter concludes this iconographic analysis by studying the political dimension of Anne of Austria's image. The fourth and last part gives finally an analysis of the way these images "operate". The eighth chapter shows how the situation of the queen's representations in decor is decisive for their interpretation, considering the cases of the royal residences and the private interiors. Finally, the ninth chapter proposes a study of the performance of images, extending the analysis to the public uses of representations of the queen, in monuments or during ceremonies. ; Anne d'Autriche occupe une place importante, longtemps négligée, dans le développement de l'iconographie royale en France au XVIIe siècle. Ecartée du pouvoir sous le règne de son mari Louis XIII, elle est pourtant le sujet de très nombreuses représentations. Sa présence dans le champ des images connaît un net développement lorsqu'elle accède aux responsabilités du gouvernement à la mort du roi, en 1643, en devenant régente au nom de son fils mineur, Louis XIV. Au-delà de sa majorité en 1651, elle conserve un rôle éminent, jusqu'à la mort de Mazarin en 1661. Ces deux décennies sont marquées par une profonde crise politique qui culmine dans l'épisode de la Fronde. Dans ce contexte, l'image d'Anne d'Autriche devient le support d'un discours sur l'autorité monarchique et sur la défense du pouvoir royal. A partir d'un corpus constitué des représentations de la régente, et en les croisant avec des sources textuelles, cette thèse analyse la construction visuelle de ce discours, et ses effets sur l'évolution de l'image de la royauté en France après le règne de Louis XIII. La « majesté », qui constitue dans le corpus des textes, juridiques, politiques et symboliques, la qualité essentielle du souverain et la marque de son identité, doit ainsi être traduite visuellement dans une incarnation féminine, dans un pays où les lois fondamentales, notamment la loi salique, écartent pourtant les femmes du pouvoir. La richesse du corpus rassemblé pour cette thèse, près de cinq cent images, offre une source essentielle pour comprendre de quelle manière la reine a su dépasser cette contrainte et contribuer, en renouvelant ses modèles, à la représentation de l'autorité monarchique. Cette étude permet ainsi de reconsidérer le rapport des femmes au pouvoir. Pour analyser ces différentes questions, la thèse s'organise en quatre parties. La première partie s'attache à comprendre l'image de la reine régnante, en analysant dans un premier chapitre la définition juridique de la reine, pour montrer de quelle manière l'ordre juridique détermine l'ordre symbolique. On peut ainsi expliquer en quoi le mariage de la reine en 1615 et son introduction à la cour constitue une « naissance iconographique ». Le second chapitre explore les différents aspects de ce portrait de la reine en montrant qu'il relève à la fois de caractères propres et de réactions à la situation – politique et civile – de la reine. La deuxième partie soulève la question des moyens mis en œuvre pour opérer la transformation de cette image, qui permet à la reine d'apparaître en régente du royaume. Le troisième chapitre analyse plus particulièrement les étapes chronologiques de cette transformation, tandis que le quatrième chapitre étudie, sur un plan pratique, la « fabrication » de cette image. La troisième partie envisage ensuite le contenu des images, en dressant une analyse en trois temps de son iconographie. Le cinquième chapitre aborde ainsi le corps de la reine comme support des dimensions morales de son portrait. Le sixième chapitre approfondit cette question dans la perspective religieuse, en étudiant de quelle manière la régente parvient à produire l'image d'une reine « très chrétienne ». Le septième chapitre conclut cette analyse iconographique sur la dimension politique de l'image d'Anne d'Autriche. La quatrième et dernière partie est enfin l'occasion d'analyser le « fonctionnement » de ces images. Le huitième chapitre montre combien la situation des représentations de la reine dans les décors est déterminante pour leur interprétation, en envisageant les cas des résidences royales puis des intérieurs privés. Enfin, le neuvième chapitre propose une étude de la performance des images, en étendant l'analyse aux usages publics des représentations de la reine, dans les monuments ou au cours des cérémonies.
"Intolerance of Catholics and Catholicism is one of the best-known features of seventeenth-century England" ; but at the same time it is also "in some ways […] one of the least explored. In particular ; little is known of the essential feature of this intolerance – the nature ; extent and causes of the Protestant fear of Catholics." It was this quote which struck me the most while I was conducting research for my thesis. Robin Clifton made this statement in his study on "The popular fear of Catholics during the English Revolution" in the early 70's and addressed a well-known phenomenon of early modern studies. We all know about the religious and political struggles of the Elizabethan and Jacobean eras. We know about the event which initiated the whole English Reformation ; that is the divorce of Henry VIII from Catherine of Aragon and his second marriage to Anne Boleyn. And we know that "a vocabulary of anti-Catholicism or anti-Popery was developed and deployed for a wide variety of national and international circumstances" ; but the reason why this ; in essence ; marital issue launched the prosecution of hundreds of English Catholics and converted a Catholic nation into a Protestant nation with fierce anti-Catholic sentiments has remained an under-investigated and intriguing phenomenon. The aim of my thesis was to find a satisfying answer to these questions. The basis for this answer consists of political and historical facts ; legal texts and a selection of dramatic texts of the early modern period. I chose dramatic texts for the simple reason that theatre was the only open medium and form of entertainment which was accessible for all social classes. Moreover ; going to the theatre did not "demand literacy in an age when most of the population was illiterate" ; and when books were reserved for the literate few ; that is to say that even the uneducated 'groundlings' – as they were called – formed a welcome part of the audience. By choosing such a broad spectrum I hoped to have built an ideal foundation of historical and literary inquiry ; which would offer sufficient information and leave as little questions as possible. The structure of my thesis therefore aims at providing all necessary facts and information at first and in a second step bringing all the information down to a common denominator and find an – in this case – philosophical explanation. Therefore ; the first part of my thesis offers a broad and extensive overview of the historical background of the early modern period by bringing together "a number of religiously coded events" like the excommunication of Elizabeth I ; the execution of Mary Stuart ; the victory over the Spanish Armada and the Gunpowder Plot. These events are put into context with the governmental measurements – in the form of decrees and statutes – that were passed as a direct response and attempted to restrict and finally banish Catholic life from England. I limited the time span to nearly one hundred years ; starting in 1534 and ending in 1625. The second part offers a discussion of ten selected dramatic texts and subsequent literary analysis. To fulfill the requirements needed for such a literary analysis the dramas selected were chosen for different reasons. Firstly ; it was essential that one or more Catholic characters be amongst the characters. Secondly ; these Catholic characters had to be complex and in some way provoking the audience and/ or the other characters. Furthermore ; they needed to be influential and in some position of power ; so that the possible abuse of their office would be of major consequence. Considering the time these plays needed to cover ; I kept close to the historical time span ; so that the first play was produced in 1588 and the last in 1641. Thus ; the final selection included plays from the Elizabethan ; Jacobean and Caroline era ; which fulfilled the aforementioned criteria. All plays contain one or more Catholic characters ; who are in relatively powerful positions and either abuse their power or manipulate those around them to achieve higher political and personal aims. In the case of the Elizabethan plays ; it is the Bishop of Winchester ; later Cardinal Beaufort of Shakespeare's Henry VI ; Parts 1+2 ; Cardinal Pandulph of Shakespeare's The Life and Death of King John and the Catholic league around Catherine de Medici and the Duke of Guise in Marlowe's The Massacre at Paris. Doctor Faustus ; was chosen because of the open derision of Catholicism displayed on stage ; and opens the chapter on Elizabethan drama. In the first Jacobean play ; Thomas Dekker's allegory The Whore of Babylon ; the plot centers on a Catholic league led by the Empress of Babylon – an allegorical figure ; representing the pope and the Vatican. John Webster's plays The White Devil and The Duchess of Malfi both show a cardinal who considerably – and negatively – influences the strand of the plot ; either by abusing his position or by manipulating other characters. The last Jacobean play ; Thomas Middleton's A Game at Chess ; is another allegory ; staging a game of chess in which the Black House is representative of a Catholic league ; and the White House stands for the English Protestants. The last play discussed in this thesis is James Shirley's The Cardinal. After having provided this basis ; which I found necessary to offer before the theoretical analysis ; the third part of my thesis then merges history ; law and drama and highlights the common features these three levels have in common. For example ; techniques for isolating Catholics off the stage and Catholic characters on the stage ; Protestant fears of being seduced by cunning missionary priests and the theatrical representation of these fears on stage ; or ; for example ; the completely exaggerated image the English Protestants had of the pope ; which also found its way to the stage. Finally I searched for an explanation for all these elements which would illustrate that the processes on the stage were just a mirror of the processes off the stage. And which furthermore would support my thesis that early modern drama was just as influential in promoting the prosecution and banishment of Catholics in England as the legal and political measurements ; or that politics and literature worked in a mutual and reciprocal cooperation ; respectively. I attribute this explanation to the philosophical writings of the Lithuanian phenomenologist Emanuel Levinas. Levinas has worked out the idea of 'the other' based on his experiences during the Holocaust – he was held prisoner in a special camp at Hanover ; while his Jewish relatives were being murdered in Lithuania by German National Socialists. Due to situational similarities ; that is ; life as a member of an alienated ; demonized and persecuted minority ; I thought his approach was the most suitable to apply to English Catholics 400 years before.
Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrageforschungsprogramm darüber, wie die Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Anzahl von Ländern wiederholt und gibt Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.
Das EVS Trend File 1981-2017 wird aus den fünf EVS-Wellen erstellt und deckt fast 40 Jahre ab. In insgesamt 160 Umfragen wurden mehr als 224.000 Befragte aus 48 Ländern/Regionen befragt. Es basiert auf den aktualisierten Daten des EVS Longitudinal Data File 1981-2008 (v.3.1.0) und dem aktuellen EVS 2017 Integrated Dataset (v.5.0.0).
Für das EVS Trend File ist neben dem (faktisch anonymisierten) Scientific-Use File (ZA7503) auch ein Restricted-Use File (ZA7504) verfügbar. Das EVS Trend File - Sensitive Dataset (ZA7504) wird als Zusatzdatei angeboten. Zusätzlich zu einem kleinen Satz von Verwaltungs- und Protokollvariablen, die für die Zusammenführung mit den SUF-Daten benötigt werden, enthält der Sensitive Datensatz folgende Variablen, die aufgrund ihrer sensiblen Natur nicht in die Scientific-Use-File aufgenommen werden konnten:
W005_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008 W005_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - spouse/partner EVS 2017 W005_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008 X035_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008 X035_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - respondent EVS 2017 X035_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008 x048c_n3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2006 EVS 2008 X048J_N3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2016 EVS 2017 X049 Size of town (8 categories) EVS 2008, EVS 2017
Detailierte information über den Anonymisierungsprozedere im EVS Trend File ist im Variablen Report enthalten.
Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrageforschungsprogramm darüber, wie die Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Anzahl von Ländern wiederholt und gibt Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.
Das EVS Trend File 1981-2017 wird aus den fünf EVS-Wellen erstellt und deckt fast 40 Jahre ab. In insgesamt 160 Umfragen wurden mehr als 224.000 Befragte aus 48 Ländern/Regionen befragt. Es basiert auf den aktualisierten Daten des EVS Longitudinal Data File 1981-2008 (v.3.1.0) und dem aktuellen EVS 2017 Integrated Dataset (v.5.0.0).
Sie folgt einem neuen Ansatz, der mit der WVS vereinbart wurde, um die früheren großen EVS- und WVS-Längsschnitt-Trenddateien in schlankere und einfacher zu verwendende Dateien umzuwandeln. Sowohl die EVS- als auch die WVS-Trenddateien basieren auf dem aktualisierten Common EVS/WVS Dictionary (v.2021). Es enthält nur die Variablen/Fragen, die seit den frühen 1980er Jahren von EVS und/oder WVS repliziert wurden. Der EVS Trend File und der World Values Survey Trend File (1981-2022) können so leicht zusammengeführt werden. Die daraus resultierende Integrated Values Surveys 1981-2022 Datendatei enthält die fünf Wellen der EVS und die sieben Wellen der WVS.
Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things TomyPriyoUtomo English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya tomy.priyo@gmail.com Prof.Dr. FabiolaDharmawatiKurnia, M.Pd. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya fabkurnia@gmail.com Abstrak Karyasastraadalahrepresentasikehidupansosial.Di dalamkehidupanmasyarakattertentu, seperti India, adasebuah system yang dinamakankelassosial.Kelassosialmembawamasalahsebagaidampak yang tereflekisdalam novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy.Tujuandaripenelitianiniadalahuntukmengungkappenggambarankelassosialpadatokoh-tokohdandampaknya.Dalamskripsiini, data yang digunakanadalah novel The God of Small Things karyaArundhati Roy yang diterbitkanpenerbit Flamingo.Dalammenyelesaikanmasalah yang sudahdipaparkan, penggunaanteorikelassosialmilik Karl Marx akandiaplikasikan. Penggambarantokoh-tokohkelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunakandefinisikelas yang didukungolehpelbagaiaspeknya.Sedangkandampakdarikelassosialdianalisadenganmenggunkankonsekuensidarikonsepkelassosial.Tokoh-tokohsosialkelasdigambarkanmelaluibeberapapoin yang mencangkupkekayaan, pekerjaan, danpendidikan.KelassosialatastergambarpadasosokPappachi,Mammachi, Baby Kochama, danChacko.SedangkanKelassosialbawahtergambarpadasosokAmmu, Velutha, Rahel, danEstha. Olehkarenaitu, kelassosialpadatokoh-tokohtersebutmemeberidampakpadakesehatanfisik, kesehatanjiwa, kehidupankeluarga, pendidikan, agama, dansistemkeadilanpadakasuskriminal.Jadi, halinisepertiduridalamdaging yang sudahmengakarpada system kehidupansosial di India. Hal ininampakpadakasusAmmu yang haruskehilangan status sosialnya, hargadiriPappachiterhadapMammachi, dantokoh-tokohlainnya yang meenghadapimasalahkelassosial. Kata Kunci: India, masyarakat, kelassosial. Abstract Literary work is the representation of social life. In a particular social life, such as India, there is social class. The social class dribbles the ball of problems as the impact in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is one of the representation of it. This thesis is aimed to reveal depiction of character's social class and impact of their social class. In this thesis, Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things published by Flamingo is used as the main data source. In answering the statement of the problems, theory of social class based on Karl Marx's view is applied. The depiction of the characters' social class is analyzed using definition of social class and supported by aspects of social class. The impact of the characters' social class is analyzed using the consequences concept of social class. The main characters' social class is portrayed through several points. They are wealth, occupation, and education. The Upper social class is portrayed on Pappachi, Mamachi, Baby Kochama, and Chacko. Then, The Lower Social class is portrayed on Ammu, Velutha, Rahel and Estha. Therefore, social class on the characters gives impact on Physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion and the criminal system justice. So, this thesis portrays the intimate enemy of the system that has been rooting in India that always brings problems caused by it, the social class. It can be looked at the fall of social status of Ammu, the dignity of Pappachi toward Mammachi, and other characters who face the same problem of social class. Keywords: India, society, social class. INTRODUCTION In social life, people are demanded to live in integrated individuals where each individual delivers different characteristics. These differences finally construct a problem within the social life, especially economic problems. Economic problem has been classic problem that cannot be avoided in modern life, thus people are categorized by their capability in economic status or class. This categorizing unconsciously creates a phenomenon where society is sorted. The sort of society based on the economic capability seems to have been articulated by Karl Marx, where society with low capability to product will be dominated by the society with high capability to product. Marx exclusively distinguishes three major classes, each of which is characterized in its role in the productive system by 'the factor of production' it controlled –the land-owners, obviously, by their ownership of land; the capitalists ('bourgeoisie') by their ownership of capital; and the proletariat (working class) by their 'ownership' of their labor-power (Worsley, et al., 1970: 302). Finally, social class turns to be tight and the distance among classes go further. In modernism, construction of society is shaped by the demands to live better. This way indirectly emerges competition that a one should defeat the other one just to earn the economic status. This also becomes the base of Western to colonize and dig the domination to Eastern and African. Indeed, colonization has been passed, and all people has freed, but it has not been clear at all. Behind this fact, colonization has leaved behind the effects toward the people who have been colonized. Sometimes, this fact slaughters keenly the problem of the post-colonized people, for instance in India. In India, there is known system of caste, Brahman, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras. Some 3500 years ago invaders from the north, known as Aryans, imposed the caste system; there is no conclusive evidence that they originated the idea of caste in India, but it seems to be the most likely explanation. The Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The highest groups are known as Varnas (colors) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of: Brahmans (a priest caste), Kshatriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste), Sudras (a laboring caste). These caste has been like a stamp to people's destiny and it impacts to their statues in society. These statues are not decided by what they have economically but from what caste they are. Then, it turns to be interesting thing when this system is faced with the problem of economic in modern life (Nobs, 1980: 30—31). As modern people, ability of delivering feeling is not only through direct utterance. The freedom to think, to articulate what they feel finally reach the world of literacy based on the experiences. In the literacy, meanings are accommodated with the beauty of words. Hence, in literary work, especially novel, the view of society including the problem of class can be mediated. It is added by Richard Taylor's Understanding the Elements of Literature, he says that literature is art that essentially created by imagination of the author's experiences (Taylor, 1981: 1). Wellek and Warren even assert that literature can be treated as a document that contains of historical idea and philosophy (Wellek& Warren, 1984: 111). Subsequently, literature work can be something important, crucial, and even interesting thing to dig up with interpretation. The crucial things can be seen in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things. TheGod of Small Things depicted the life Indian society. The setting of the story takes place in Kerala. The story tells us that comunism or even religion which teach us about equality in human rights in the reality it can not change discrimination and patriarchy in society. The main characters in this novel are Estha and Rahel. They are twins. Their grandfather is the owner of a company from Christian which is very high class (touchable). But their mother has marry with the Hindust man, it means she must change become lower class (untouchable). Max Weber stated that the social class is divided into trhree layers- the upper class, the midle class and the lower class. The higest level is held by educated and wealthy family. This includes Pappachi family. Their social classes are in the high social classwhich gives the member of this class has different life styles,attitudes, educations, and opportunities in the society. The next class is lower class (untouchable), untouchable person can not touch high class. They are uneducated person. They are not allowed to work in high position. In this novel untochable personis Velutha. Velutha is a paravan. Paravan is the lowest caste in Indian. Furthermore, the richness of this novel has glimpsed on the awards that attaches on Arundhati Roy herself and hers. It needs to know that The God of Small Things has won The Man Booker Prize for fiction in 1997. Arundhati Roy herself is a famous Indian novelist and social activist. In 2002, she won the Lannan Foundation's Cultural Freedom Award for her work "about civil societies that are adversely affected by the world's most powerful governments and corporations," in order "to celebrate her life and her ongoing work in the struggle for freedom, justice and cultural diversity". In 2003, she was awarded 'special recognition' as a Woman of Peace at the Global Exchange Human Rights Awards in San Francisco with Bianca Jagger, Barbara Lee and Kathy Kelly. Roy also was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize in May 2004 for her work in social campaigns and her advocacy of non-violence. In January 2006, she was awarded the Sahitya Academy Award, a national award from India's Academy of Letters, for her collection of essays on contemporary issues, The Algebra of Infinite Justice, but she declined to accept it "in protest against the Indian Government toeing the US line by 'violently and ruthlessly pursuing policies of brutalization of industrial workers, increasing militarization and economic neo-liberalization". In November 2011, she was awarded the Norman Mailer Prize for Distinguished Writing. It shows that she is one of important writer in India. Her literary works always tell about social and tradition also symbols to be analyzed. In the instance Roy shows Indian culture as the identity in her literary work. Most of her master piece is showed about social class, tradition in Indian culture. She wrote many books such as an ordinary person's Guide to Empire, War talk, Public Power in the Age of Empire, Power Politics, The Checkbook and the Cruise Missile and The Cost of Living. After all, it is unarguable to be questioned that Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things is full of crucial issues. Based on those facts, the crucial issue that emphasizes on this thesis is in the social classes, thus the potential title that can be put on it is "The Intimate Enemy of Social Class in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things". RESEARCH METHOD The used method is descriptive quality; it means that the essence or the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. With interpretation toward the data, the analysis can be worked. Interpretation becomes crucial step because with regardless this, the analysis cannot be maximally operated. It is also as the technique of the study. Then, the approach of the analysis sharpens to mimesis where the universe is used as comparative literature toward the result of the analysis. Indirectly, it includes in extrinsic approach where the sociality is referred as the universe. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION In social life, they always have something that is appreciated. That can be wealth, knowledge, education or economic. In Narwoko&Bagong'sSosiologi: TeksPengantardanTerapan, SoerjonoSoekanto states that in rural society, land and livestock are often considered more valuable than education. On the contrary, it does not happen in modern society. In society, people who have valuable goods in large quantities will be more appreciated rather than people who have a small amount. Thus, they will be considered as low class (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 152). This low class construction, because there is characteristic of "not" low class. This construction finally creates categorizing that can be called as stratification. Sorokin states that 'Stratification' is a term used to characterize a structure of inequality where individuals occupy differentiated structural positions and the positions are situated in layers (or strata) that are ranked hierarchically according to broadly recognized standards. The implied reference to sedimentary layers from geology reflects the relative permanence of the posited structure and the long history that is assumed to have generated it. Stratification researchers focus primarily on the empirical study of the sources of the rankings that generate the hierarchy of strata, the mobility of individuals between strata, and the mechanisms of integration that allow societies to cope with the existence of persistent inequalities between strata (Narwoko&Bagong, 2004: 153). Aristotle observed two millennia ago thatpopulations tended to be divided into three groups: the very rich, the very poor and those between. It shows that in ancient times people have come to know and recognize the hierarchy system in society. Social stratification can basically be distinguished into three kinds. They are Class, Status and Power (Worsley, 1970: 288). SOCIAL CLASS According to Karl Marx's Theory of Class, as quoted by Chris Livesey, it is stated that class is the motor of social development. Marx argues that society has developed through four main epochs ("period time"). They are Primitive Communism, Ancient Society, feudal Society, and Capitalist Society. For him, only the first epoch (the "primitive communism") is free from some form of social stratification on the basis of class. This is because, for Marx, class forms of social stratifications only come into existence once people start producing more goods than they require fulfill their everyday needs and gatherer society are basically subsistence societies; that is people can only manage to hunt/ gather enough food for their everyday needs (sociology.org.uk). To describe in detail this theory, it needs to be classified based on the definition, aspect, and consequences of social class. Karl Marx is one of the first writers who analyzes class differences. He sees class as a phenomenon of any society where the ownership of wealth and the means of production, factories or land, gives an economic basis for stratification. Marx also outlines different stages in history in which the ownership of property gives one group control over others. The group, which controls and owns the means of producing food and goods, is the dominant class. Furthermore, Marx argues that there is a constant struggle, a class struggle, and this conflict between the different classes brought about changes in society (Nobs, et al., 1980: 28). Therefore, the conflict among classes are grounded by the domination of a high class over the low class. Class itself, as Lenin says, is large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated by law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor and consequently, and by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it (Collected Works, Vol. 29: 421). Furthermore, Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (or "bourgeoisie") and Working class (or "proletariat"). Capitalist class is those who own and control the means of production (which involves ownership of such things as land, factories, financial institutions and the like). And working class is those who own nothing but their ability to sell their labor power (that is, their ability to work) in return for wages (Henslin. 2003: 284). Similar to Karl Marx in discussing about social class, Max Weber tries to generate it with defining social class as a large group of people who rank close to another in wealth, power, and prestige. These three elements separate people into different lifestyles, give them different chances in life, and provide them with distinct ways of looking at the self and the world (Henslin, 2012: 276). Aspects of socials class are classified referred by wealth, by occupation and by educational level. Each can be used for different purposes or they can be combined (Worsley, 1970: 292). According to Henslin, the primary dimension of social class is wealth. Wealthconsists of property and income. Propertycomes in many forms, such as buildings, land, animals, machinery,cars, stocks, bonds, businesses, and bank accounts. Incomeis money received as wages, rents, interest, royalties, or the proceeds from a business (Henslin, 2003: 276). Furthermore, the spread of material resources among the population is an important indicator of social inequality, while changes in this distribution over time indicate whether society is becoming more or less equal. The investigation of the spread of personal income and wealth, however, is fraught with difficulty because of inaccuracies in the data, the problem of deciding the relevant unit of analysis (whether to use individuals, families or households), how to assess the non-monetary benefits derived from government expenditure, and the way individuals' positions may change over the life-cycle (Abrecombie, 1994: 120). Occupation is another aspect of class that definitely can be included as the ground of belonging to a class.People give less prestige to jobs that are lowpaying, require less preparation or education, involve more physical labor, and areclosely supervised. For example, people in every country rank collegeprofessors higher than nurses, nurses higher than social workers, and social workershigher than janitors. As soon as people develop of being specialized kinds of work, they also get the idea that some kinds of work are more prestige than others. The high prestige occupations generally receive the higherincomes; yet there are many exceptions. The next is factor is education. According to Lindemann, as quoted by Sharon Link & Alexandra Howson in Sociology Reference Guide: Defining Class, it is stated thateducation plays a significant role in one's social position, that is, to aperson's place in the social hierarchy and ultimatelyin stratification. Education also can provide equalityof opportunity and contributes directly to social mobility (that is, to one'sability to move upwardly from one's social class of origin). Social and economic indicators such as income and occupation are typically used to measure social class, and education plays a significant role in determining one's employability, employment, and income (Danziger& Reed, 1999). Education therefore plays a crucial role in the likelihood of people being able to improve their social class location by moving into higher occupational classes. Education is seen as having different functions. Within a consensus or functionalist perspective, associated with the work of Talcott Parsons, education is seen to have a role in socialization; it contributes to ensuring that children are 'trained' to comply with the demands of the social system. Indeed, for many people, education exists to ensure that individuals learn how to be good citizens and thereby maintain an efficient, stable social order. Consequently this view of education emphasizes merit, ability and effort and the needs of society or the economy. Such a view also expresses in the idea that education is about individual opportunity (Raines & McAdams, 2006). When social class exists in society, there will be many impacts given. According to Henslin (2003: 288), consequences of class are divided into six categories. It is very good to be applied as the impact of the social class in The God of Small Things. They are: (1) physical health (2) mental health (3) family life (4) education (5) religion and (6) criminal justice system. SYSTEM OF CASTES IN INDIA India is a country where system of caste grows basically. There were four original castes, separately created by Brahma: Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. This fourfold division has its origin in the Vedas, the sacred books of the Hindus, and one of the 'most ancient books in the library of mankind'. They are admitted by all the adherents of the Hindu system to be the primary and infallible authority on the origin of the castes (Keanne, 1978: 24). Senart defines a caste as a close corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary : equipped with a certain traditional and independent organization, including a chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less plenary authority and joining together at certain festivals : bound together by common occupations, which relate more particularly to marriage and to food and to questions of ceremonial pollution, and ruling its members by the exercise of jurisdiction, the extent of which varies, but which succeeds in making the authority of the community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and, above all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group. While, according to Sir. H. Risley, a caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine, professing to follow the same professional, callings and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community (Ambedkar, 1916: 3—5). In India, there is known system of class based on the caste. Thus the caste is having seemed to a thing that is flown in people's blood. Hindu religion divides the population into five basic groups. The four highest groups are known as Varnas (color) and beneath them come a group without caste, the Untouchables. The four Varnas consist of Brahmans (a priest caste), Ksathriyas (a military caste), Vaishyas (a merchant or agricultural caste) and Sudras (a laboring caste). Within these groups there are thousands of subdivision; among the Brahmans there are more than 500 subdivisions and there are over 200 divisions of people without caste (Nobs, et al., 1980: 31). India's majority population is Hindu (although it is worth noting that Hinduism is highly variable). Caste is often regarded as a social structure arising from Hindu practices and ideas. But, other religious groups in India also make caste distinctions. Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains have historically recognized and reinforced caste and/or varnadistinctions (Mines, 2009: 67). SYRIAN CHRISTIAN AND KERALA HISTORY Kerala provides a particularly interesting case study on race because religions are divided from each other based on caste. That is, not only do Hindus follow the caste system, but Christians as well (Sonja, 2001: 129).The Syrian Christians pride themselves on being one of the earliest Christians in the world and trace their conversion to the year 52 AD, when the Apostle of Jesus, St. Thomas arrived on the Kerala port city of Malankara near the bustling trade hub, Muziris.19 According to Syrian Christian communal history, after the death of Christ, the apostles went to different lands to spread the Word of God. St. Thomas went east through Babylon, present day Iraq and onto India. On arriving at the Kerala coast in 52AD, St. Thomas reportedly performed a miracle in front of Brahmins taking a ritual bath. He threw the water in which the Brahmins were bathing into air and it stayed there (Chittilaphilly, 2000:14). Then, The Brahmins impressed by this miracle, immediately asked to be baptized. St. Thomas established churches at Kottaickal, Kokamangalam, Paruetta, Chayel, Kurukkanikulam, and Palloor. He also established chapels and erected crosses at Niranam, Pallipooran, Vattamarry, Cranganore, Palloor and Kuthamana before he was martyred outside Chennai. During St. Thomas's tenure in Kerala, he performed miracles and acts of penance that draw pilgrims to St. Thomas sites to this day (Sonja, 2011: 31). "When I was young, low-castes had to get out of the way of an upper-caste. They would know to get out of the way because the upper-caste would travel with a servant. Every now and again, the servant would call out "hoi". When I was a young girl, I would hear that. "Hoi…" and then a little while later, "hoi". If the low-caste was on the path, he would hide off the path until the upper-caste passed. They used to get out of our way too. My mother told me that us Christians would have servants to sweep the ground before us as we walked so we would not step on any bugs. We were just like upper-caste Hindus" (Sonja, 2011: 36). Restrictions were also placed on worship—lower castes were not permitted to worship the 'high' Hindu Gods (Shiva, Vishnu, and Krishna) but were relegated to demon worship. Temple entry for low-castes was denied. Low-caste Hindus and Christians were prevented from obtaining and education and excluded from public service and government positions (Sonja, 2011: 36). Namboodiriswere exempted from land taxes while low-castes had to pay taxes and fees for even the right to use an umbrella or a palanquin. Namboodirisalso controlled the informal judicial system. While they were exempted from the death penalty, low-castes could receive the death penalty for ordinary offenses such as theft. The sentences of low-caste criminals were brutal: death by elephant trampling, blown from mouth of cannon, hung for 3 days, and mutilations (Sonja, 2011: 36). Historians have conjectured that regulating the oldest son to marry within the caste ensured that the illam(Brahmin property/residence) was kept caste pure (Sonja, 2011: 38). Only converted upper-caste Hindus would be accepted as part of the Syrian Christian fold (Palakunnel, 1999: 221). THE UPPER CLASS Characters who are Upper Class in the God of Small Things are: Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabbyKochama, Estha and Rahel. The novel tells us about social life in Ayemenem, a rural area in Kerala, India. Pappachi is one of the richest people in the area. He lives in a good wealth. Every single thing that he does shows that he is a rich person. Thus, Pappachi belongs to the upper social class. The higher class people, such as working class women or women who has rich husband usually have a higher life-style. It can be seen from the way of their life. Appearance becomes the most important thing for upper class women. They usually wear expensive clothes or expensive stuff to show off to other people that they are upper class. Mammachi here, in the novel, in the reality of the novel, is told as the wife of Pappachi, a Syrian Christian with high social class. Becoming a wife of the man from high class, indirectly, will lift up her status in front of the society's eyes. With that fact, Mammachi "should" have a life as upper class, with glamour life style, exclusive life, and everything with highest quality. Expensive, that is the proper word for her jewelries, as been exposed to this statement, "Margaret Kochamma took Mammachi's hand. The fingers were soft, the ruby rings were hard" (Roy, 1997: 83). There, the fact is barely exposed, how Mammachi's passions and desires toward jewelries, especially for the expensive ones. Wherever her body exists, wherever her feet step up, wherever her life strolls up to her social life, the jewelries never go to waste to be leaved, it is always following to decorate herself to become "like" upper or high class as usual. Probably, it can be related to the characteristics of women universally, that they likely to show off their jewelries to appear the impression of their status, class, and wealth. Chacko is the first child of Pappachi. As the oldest child, plus a fact of his sex is men, Chacko has privilege. Furthermore, in India, men are having high position especially in social life. It can be understood that India is Patriarch Country where men must have privilege to control everything including women. Going back to Chacko's fact, in the family system, Cahcko can claim to own all properties in the family. As Mamachi's Pickles company, the controller, the manager, the one who has major right is the oldest men child, and he is Chacko, it can be read on this statement, "Legally this was the case, because Ammu, as a daughter, had no claim to the property" (Roy, 1997: 28). Based on that fact, it can be supposed officially that Pappachi's and Mammachi's wealth will be inherited on Chacko, while Ammu, as the women child, has no right on that privilege above those wealth or properties. It presents that Chacko has a govern of Pickles Factory. It is strengthened with the statement of Chacko confesses that the factory is his own. That is clear factually that Chacko has good wealth that means he is a high-class man. Actually, it is important to add that Chacko also has a potential to manage the factory because Chacko has been educated, he has good level of education. Thus, it drives his brain being clear of thinking cleverly, managing something in a god way, and giving good profit. For additional information that supports it, "Chacko had been a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford and was permitted excesses and eccentricities nobody else was (Roy, 1997: 19). Baby Kochama is the sister of Pappachi, John Ipe. She is the most famous person in Kerala. "He was a priest of the Mar Thoma church. Reverend Ipe was well known in the Christian community as the man who had been blessed personally by the Patriarch of Antioch, the sovereign head of the Syrian Christian Church—an episode that had become a part of Ayemenem's folklore" (Roy, 1997: 12).John Ipe is not common priest, she becomes famous because she has been blessed personally by Patriarch of Antioch. Patriarch of Antioch is the Head of Christian Syrian Church. Because of that, after John Ipe has been blessed by the the Head of Christian Syrian Church, John Ipe is respected by the people around her. It means that John Ipe has high social class, especially for people in Ayemenem. Ammu is the last child from Pappachi's family. As the child of high-class family, Ammu automatically belongs to be high-class one. Her life, lifestyle, and education have shown that Ammu is high-class one. Education is something important for a one with high social class. It is usually considered as he step of a one to be high-class one. It is also a factor that can support a one to be high-class one because it can influence the sight and the view of people around him or her to consider as high-class one. Ammu is drawn as a woman that has good education, this educated woman continuously affects her status. It is seen by this statement, "Ammu finished her schooling the same year that her father retired from his job in Delhi and moved to Ayemenem." (Roy, 1997: 19). After finishing her education, Ammu marries to someone. Ammu marries to someone with good wealth. Ammu meets with her husband in a party, the party where rich men jostle and show their wealth off. It is accepted when it is called as a party where rich men assemble, because the irrational thing must be happening when the party is for poor men or low class because the Touchable and the Untouchable must not be touched each other. While Ammu is high-class one, and she comes to a party. The party logically must be a party for high class, and the man that marries to Ammu must be a man from high class. Several weeks pass, Ammu marries with him. "He was on vacation from his job in Assam, where he worked as an assistant manager of a tea estate. His family was once-wealthy zamindars who had migrated to Calcutta from East Bengal after Partition." (Roy, 1997: 19). THE LOWER CLASS Characters who are Lower Class in the God of Small Things are: Velutha, Ammu, Estha and Rahel. Lower social class in this novel is strongly drawn in Velutha's character. Velutha is black but he is so smart. Social class rises strongly through his life. He lives in poverty. As the main character, Velutha belongs to the lower social class. Life background has significance role and it makes his having lower class level as poor people. "He was called Velutha-which means White in Malayalam-because he was do black. His father, Vellya Paapen, was a Paravan. A today tapper (Roy. 1997: 35).The quotation shows Velutha's life background. Velutha is a son of Vellyan Paapen whom a Paravan. So, it automatically makes Velutha become a Paravan too. Paravan is the lowest caste in India. It is also called Untouchable. A Paravan contains of poor people because usually Paravan only work as a lower labor. Velyan Paapen works as a maid in Pappachi family, it means that he cannot deserve his son to get a good financial condition. It brings Velutha living under poverty. Social class rises through his poor condition, because the economic condition he has, indicates that Velutha belongs to lower class people. Ammu is a Christian Syrian from upper class. However, after she gets a divorce with her husband, her status also changes. From being a high class, he turns it in to lower class. After divorcing, Ammu comes back to Pappachi's home in Ayemenem, Pappachi welcomes it because of his compassion toward Ammu, his daughter. But, it does not take to many time for Ammu to decide to get off of the home. Because Ammu "secret" love with Veluthe has been revealed up, thus it drives Pappachi angry and Ammu gets off. Ammu has to fulfill all necessity for her life, she has to work to earn money. Before that, she works at the Pickle factory of her family, but when she has been dropped out of her home by Pappachi, Ammu search for other job in other place. Job is the important factor in dragging the strata in front of the eyes of society socially. People from high class usually have prestige job with good salary. Because it can influence to what life they choose, by buying everything, shopping everything, and establishing their arrogance of the wealth. Following that, the impression of being an upper class can be sought and decided. However, behind that fact, the lower class only has lower jobs, those lower jobs jail their economy. The limited economical conditions will never change their status and strata in front of the society's eyes, thus, their status will keep being lower and never being changed. Ammu, then decides to work at a hotel as a receptionist, and working as a receptionist is not a prestige one. Additionally, the hotel is not five stars hotel, it is only a small hotel with low standard, as has been quoted on this statement, "Ammu had lost the latest of her succession of jobs—as a receptionist in a cheap hotel—because she had been ill and had missed too many days of work." (Roy, 1997: 76). Nevertheless, working here has dropped the health of Ammu down. Probably, it is caused by her changing life, from living in good house with good treatment to living in a low life. His illness finally sharpens to the way she works, she often gets the absences on working, and it makes her getting the fire as a receptionist in that small hotel. Furthermore, working at a small hotel will not give gret significance of changing for a woman like Ammu, particularly for what she gets on his salaray. This quotation can be regarded, "On that last visit, Ammu spent the morning with Rahel in her room. With the last of her meager salary she had bought her daughter small presents wrapped in brown paper with colored paper hearts pasted on." (Roy, 1997: 77). 'Meager salary' explains clearly how small the salary that ammu gets, and it must not fulfill enough for her necessity. The work of Ammu like this is not the prestige one and the salary is too small. That is the main point of this talk, it is concluded that Ammu becomes a lowe class after facing divorcing. The divorcing is added by her love with a low class, Velutha, that facts slap her status in front of the society. Socially, her status collides and becomes one of low class masses. Estha and Rahel are the twin of Ammu with Baba. Estha and Rahel have unique life in this novel. When they are still child, Estha and Rahel are treated by Ammu in her family life that is from upper class. However, although they are live there, there is an unsaid rule that sets Ammu and her children have no right anymore to live in Pappachi's house. But, Pappachi's commission breaks that rule, so that is why they can still enjoy to live in Pappachi's house. It is clear to be understood that Estha and Rahel can be put in to a detail that they are children from upper class. Estha and Rahel can enjoy a trip with family private car that for low class that is the most greatful trip. The trip that they will ever enjoy. The trip they never imagine. The trip they never fantasize because they have been adapted to jostle in the public transportation with the bad smell and disgusting sweat of poor people. Their life is painted in that public transportation and tripping with privacy car is only a part of their fantasy. Estha and Rahel also often go to cinema, it is even told that they have watched film entitled "The Sound of Music" three times. After watching it, they go home to Ayemenem, with one night over sleep in a great hotel. Plus, the smell of food, their trip becomes perfect. The fact like that, is something that is only for upper class, it is important for low class of having it. This lifestyle, indeed, need much money, thus it belongs to upper class with good condition economically, besides that, it is also becomes the viewpoint of valuing the strata of a class. Rahel is a daughter of Ammu. After being left by her brother, Estha, who is sent back to his father, Rahel becomes sad, the sadness grows peaking up when she has to be leaved by Ammu. Rahel, then is treated by Mammachi. All the need of Rahel is fulfilled by Mammachi. As the grand daughter who grows in upper class family, Rahel gets good education. "She spent eight years in college without finishing the five-year undergraduate course and taking her degree. The fees were low and it wasn't hard to scratch out a living." (Roy, 1997: 9). Rahel then continuous her school to a university, and it is not a big problem for Mammachi to pay all the charge of the school. Rahel spends eight years in that university and ends it with no graduation, or it means that Rahel drops out. She even decides to marry to a man from America and go with him to America. Actually, that is not good marriage for Rahel. She is too hurry up to marry. "Rahel drifted into marriage like a passenger drifts towards an unoccupied chair in an airport lounge. With a Sitting Down sense." (Roy, 1997: 10). After deciding to marry and move to America, Rahel does not enjoy her life, because she is not treated as an upper class. Because Rahel has married, her life burden goes to her husband's own. Thus, Mammachi does not pay anything of Rahel's life anymore. However, the age of the marriage is too short, not long after that, the marriage is broken down. Rahel divorces with her husband, and it insists Rahel to work to stay alive and fulfill all necessity for her life in America. It is clear to see that Rahel live in the circle of low class life. She works as a waiter in an Indian restaurant in New York. It is easy to be classified that working as a waiter is one of low class job, it has no any prestige. That job just give little earn for her life daily. Life he has to pass is different with the life he gets in Ayemenem. Rahel also ever works as an employee in a gas station. This job is not a job that can give her good earn in salary. This fact, one day, makes a procure offers Rahel to become a sexual worker where she can get more money. This is simply clear to understand, how low Rahel life in America, and she can be put in to one of low class people. THE IMPACT OF THE SOCIAL CLASS In this section, the impact of social class will be explained. The impact of the social class will be revealed through several characters that have connection each other. The consequences of social class by Henslin (2003) will be used to analyze the impact of the class. The consequences of class that will be used to explain are family life, education, religion, and criminal justice system. Pappachi, the character who is drawn as Upper Class has some impact in his social life. Those are family life and mental health. Papachi has good education, he has prestigious job, besides that, he also has good wealth. It makes him becomes a character or a one who is upper class. The wealth and the prestigious job he has makes him always looks prefect. He desires to be looked as the perfect one around the people. As a man with upper class, Pappachi becomes very famous in Ayemenem. It can be seen to the quotation above, when Pappachi passes away, Indian Express, a newspaper with English letters, writes the news about the death and the funeral of Pappachi. It means that, Pappachi is not only an upper class one, he is more than that. However, the important part that can be informed in this fact is, the class of Pappachi. It is not easy for low class to be put on the newsletter, only important information that can be considered as the important news to be informed, and low class does not belong to. Mammachi is an Indian woman character. As an Indian woman, Mammachi receives all things happen to her. Mammachi marries to Pappachi who is an upper class. Thus, it can be seen that it is not easy to have a couple from different class, especially upper class. However, Mammachi has been ready of facing all the risks, the risks that bring the consequences of social class.Mammachi is accustomed to get hit from Pappachi. Mammachi does not do anything because for Indian women, women, as a wife,have to serve their husband. So whatever her husband does to his wife then his wife must accept it. "He never touched Mammachi again. But he never spoke to her either as long as he lived' (Roy, 1997: 23). So, Mammachi is never really touched or talked at all to Pappachi until Pappachi died. Besides family life, Consequence of social class also influences to the religion. People who are Christian Syrian, are supposed to be upper class than Hindus. In an intriguing chapter of Modernization and Effeminization in India, Anna Lindberg discusses how jobs within cashew factories in Kerala are dependent on one's caste. The dirtiest job, shelling the cashews, is done by the lowest castes of the factories. Shelling is the most unhealthy job as it involves removing the roasted nuts from the corrosive black oily shells. The next step up is peeling, or removing the brown skin from the cashews and is performed by both the scheduled castes and the Ezhavas caste (Linberg, 2005: 55). That quotation explains indirectly how caste affects the job of people in India. People with upper caste will throw the obligation and duty of the job to the lower caste, and people with upper caste prefer choosing clean and light works. Thus, the lower caste, people with the lower caste always works with dirtiness job, and low class job. Chacko is the first son of Pappachi and Mammachi. He was born from upper class family, and it makes the life of Chacko is surrounded by the wealth that can sink himself in the sea of this life. Upper class is portrayed clearly in this novel and it is reflected by Chacko's character. It can be looked at the background of education and of lifestyle of Chacko. The background of education of Chacko that is laid on Oxford and marries-divorces-re-marries, and gets back to Ayemenem, and ends it with heading the Pickle factory, have proven that it is the interesting life to have. However, this social class, finally affects his mental health. As the head of the Pickle factory, Chacko actually can do everything he wants, he has that chance. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "He would call pretty women who worked in the factory to his room, and on the pretext of lecturing them on labor rights and trade union law, flirt with them outrageously." (Roy, 1997: 31). Chacko has a habit of calling all beautiful women who work at the Pickle factor. He invites them with reason to teach them about the rights they have to have. However, Chacko does not do that, it is just a reason. Chacko tries to sleep those women with giving them money. For Chacko, spending much money for sleeping with women, is not a great problem. The condition of his economy, especially money, can guarantee it. Baby kochama is a character who has upper social class in the novel. Her social class then gives impact toward criminal justice system. One with upper social class is usually respected. Once, when Baby Kochama arrives at a police station, she is treated as if a queen. The police treat her very well, with great attitude, and so much respect that is never hidden in the police's mouth. She ever sells a lie to the police, and the police trust it by taking it for granted. Based on that fact, it can be articulated that the impact of Baby Kochama as the upper class is really affecting to her life, her life that is full of respect by the people or the society around her. For the support to proof it, this statement can be supposed to, "Baby Kochamma misrepresented the relationship between Ammu and Velutha, not for Ammu's sake, but to contain the scandal and salvage the family reputation in Inspector Thomas Mathew's eyes." (Roy, 1997: 122). It is clear when it is known that Baby Kochama sells the lie to the police just because she does not want her family gets down of reputation. The way Baby Kochama utilizes her status in the society is very tricky. She reconstructs the story of Ammu and Velutha because the relation between the two is such a shame thing for the family, especially for Baby Kochama's family that is from upper class. With no having any choices to save the reputation, Baby Kochama finally does the lie, with regardless the value of lying is lower than lower class status. Impact of Ammu as lower social class is drawn in physical health and criminal justice system. Ammu suffer from many diseases after he gets out of Ayemenem's house. As has been exposed on this follows statement, "Who came back to Ayemenem with asthma and a rattle in her chest that sounded like a faraway man shouting" (Roy,1997: 76). Her weak economical condition grave illnesses suffered by Ammu. There is not much that can be done by Ammu. Eventhought she is sick, she still has to work to meet all her needs. Living in poverty make Ammu can not treat her disease. Her physical changes occur from groomed Ammu and beautiful become Ammu who has disease and ugly. Ammu physical changes that profoundly changed drastically make her looks very different. When Baba, who is a Hindus, marriage with Ammu that makes the church doesn not want to bury Ammu. because for the church Ammu has different class from them. So, Chacko dicides to bring Ammu's bodies to the electric crematorium. Ammu's bodies are treated very badly, they wrap the body of Ammu on a dirty mattress. How Ammu's bodies are treated very clearly illustrates how Ammu's social class. Her marriage that is considered wrong, living in poverty and disease she has, it all led to Ammu suffer until she dies. Cremation place that is used to burry Ammu's bodies is very dirty. From the above quotation clearly seen what people is burned in that place. Only the bodies of beggars, criminals and police custody are burned on the ground. It is impossible for bodies of people wiyh high social class and have good econmomic condition is buried in that ground. Unfortunately again, no more families are present in addition to the ground except Chacko and Rahel. Impact on the character Velutha great looks of the criminal justice system. Velutha as a lower social class is treated badly in the criminal system. When velutha is accused of making a mistake then the police catch him in a bad way. They do the violence which is not a procedure of arrest. They woke Velutha with their boots (Roy, 1997: 144). The police wake Velutha who is asleep with their hard shoes. The police do not want to touch velutha because he is a lower class. Velutha gets injustice. The police directly commit violence on Velutha without asking first what happen actually. On Estha's character, social class gives impact on his mental health. Estha who is accustomed to luxury living in Ayemenem's house. One day he has to move because his mother send him bank to his father. Where the condition of his father is different with condition in Ayemenem's house. Estha finished school with mediocre results, but refused to go to college. Instead, much to the initial embarrassment of his father and stepmother, he began to do the housework. As though in his own way he was trying to earn his keep. He did the sweeping, swabbing and all the laundry. He learned to cook and shop for vegetables (Roy, 1997: 6). His mental health is disturbed after he decides not to continue his education into college. Estha starts doing what he should not do. He does all the homework that should be done by women. And since then Estha starts rarely speak until one day he really stop talking altogether. Estha performs regular activities without spending a single word. He does not care what the people around him are doing. He will still silent. Although his twin sister, Rahel, is next door and talk, then Estha still keep silent. This condition sometimes makes Rahel think whether Estha become mad, as has been exposed on this follows statement, "Had be seen her? Was be really mad? Did be know that she was there? They had never been shy of each other's bodies, but they had never been old enough (together) to know what shyness was" (Roy, 1997: 44).EStha's mental condition shows that social class can also give impact on mental health. Rahel is raised by mammachi after Ammu die. Of course being raised by mammachi will make life in very good socio economic condition. Raised by Upper class lifestyle makes an impact on family life of rahel. Rahel who has been abandoned by both parents become a very naughty girl. Because she never get a good attention from all her family. Uncle Chacko and Mammachi just give her all the material only. Rahel gets all the facilities that she need so she can reach high education. it is clearly explained how Rahel who are not given attention by all her families. They are just busy with their own affairs without considering the love that needed by Rahel. She is just given all the material she needs such as clothes, food, and money. That all makes Rahel become a naughty girl. Rahel is actually a beautifull smart kid, but she often makes the act that make her eventually are punished and expelled from the school. In the above quotation illustrated how Rahel delinquency in schools. Rahel is first convicted when she is at the Convent of Nazareth. She is caught decorate dorm room door with a flower head. And the next day she is tried and given punishment by the head monastery. Six months after, Rahel is expelled from school because she is already given many punishments and she still keeps naughty. It is all because of Rahel ever caught smoking, she also ever steal and burn bun of Houseministers. Rahel becomes naughty because of she never gets a good attention. Here, it clearly shows that social class olaso give impact to family life. Rahel eventually grows into adulthood without attention and affection of a family. As an Indian women, Rahel's future is determined also by her marriage. CONCLUSION Based on the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that all the issues that have been revealed by statement of the problem can be drawn. There are two conclusions which can be concluded. The first is about the depiction of the social class, the second is about the impact of the social class on the character. The first conclusion is about the existence of social class experienced by the character in the novel. Karl Marx divides social class into two classes. They are Capitalist class (Upper Class) and Working Class (Lower Class). The existence of social class can be seen by wealth, occupation and educational level. As Worsley says that each of the aspects can be used for different purposes or they can be combined. So the character in the novel is divided into two classes. Upper class's characters are Pappachi, Mammachi, Chacko, BabyKochama. And the lower class's characters are Ammu, Velutha, rahel and Estha. The social class can be identified by their economic background, their way of life, their way of dressing, and the standard of living. The second conclusion is about the impact of social class on the character. The impacts of social class are divided into six categories. They are: physical health, mental health, family life, education, religion, criminal justice system. Every character has different social class impact. 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"I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy. I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in… the loss of a unity of purpose for our Nation. The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America"President Jimmy Carter, 1979What was supposed to be a summer of recovery and rebuilding, has instead become a summer of gloom, division and bigotry. The prospects of a double-dip recession still loom high for Americans in the light of a revised GDP report that puts annual growth rate for the second quarter at an anemic 1.6%, not 2.4% as predicted earlier.As with all economic downturns, fear and anxiety about an uncertain future translate into intolerance directed toward "the others". Two weeks ago it was the Arizona anti-immigration law and the anti-gay ban, this past week it was the so called "Ground Zero Mosque" controversy. The underlying angst is thus surfacing in the form of aggressive anti-immigrant, homophobic and Islamophobic sentiments. Most Americans (61%) are against this "Córdoba House" project, which is not exactly a plan for a mosque but for a Muslim Community Center, modeled after the Jewish Community Centers and the YMCA. Its grounds are located two blocks away from Ground Zero. Interestingly, the project was made public by the New York Times as a local lower Manhattan issue in 2009, and went unnoticed. It only exploded into the headlines recently, when public figures such as Sarah Palin, Glenn Beck and Newt Gingrich leapt at the opportunity of using it to further stoke the flames of division and xenophobia. While the Lower Manhattan community advisory board, several Jewish leaders and Mayor Bloomberg support the project, the Jewish Anti-Defamation League opposes it, arguing that its proximity to Ground Zero would cause unnecessary pain for the families of victims of 9-11. This argument has merit and should therefore be the focus of the debate, but it isn't. Instead, Gingrich compared the project to putting a Nazi sign next to the Holocaust Museum, and Palin called it a "stab in the heart of the families of 9-11".Daisy Kahn, the wife of the Imam in charge of the project, appeared recently on a Sunday talk show together with Manhattan's JCC director Rabbi Joy Levitt to defend the project. Kahn explained that historically in the United States, as members of different religions and creeds assimilate to the general culture, their practice, attitudes and activities become Americanized: that is the context within which the Córdoba Project should be understood: as a place where Muslims could meet, exercise, bring their children to Day Care and yes, pray. Indeed, contrary to the public image prevalent today, Muslims in the US are, according to Christiane Amanpour ," the most assimilated of all Muslims in the Western World." The United States also has a strong Interfaith Dialogue movement which supports the project.President Obama weighed into the controversy within the first 24 hours, saying Muslims were protected by the First Amendment's Freedom of Religion and had a right to build the center. After being chastised by the usual suspects (the same that insist Obama himself is a Muslim and have doubts about his citizenship), the President later qualified his first statement by adding he had "commented on theright but not on the wisdom" of the project. Clearly, that is what is at issue here: Muslims, like all other religious groups in America, do have the Constitutional right to congregate and worship as they please, but in the light of the deep wounds of 9-11, the symbolic aspect of the location tends to overshadow other valid considerations. However, as everything in today's political toxic environment, it instantly became more fodder for demagogues and added more virulence to the political discourse. By correctly pointing out the discrepancy, Obama was derided as dithering as and insincere.Opposition to the Córdoba House is not an isolated incident that can be explained by its proximity to 9-11, which gives the outrage some validation. There are similar projects that have been put on hold due to protests as far as Wisconsin and California, and in the last few days there was a mosque burnt down in Tennessee, and a stabbing of a Muslim cab driver in New York. Anti-Muslim sentiment is conspicuously strong throughout the country, strong enough to be compared to the Swiss controversy over construction of new minarets. Even if the Mosque issue blows over in a month like other arguments have in the past (think Dubai Ports World brouhaha in 2005, for example) each of these bitter controversies plants seeds of discord that are used by demagogical purposes, mainly to delegitimize the government. People's anxiety about the economy is fertile ground for all kinds of phobias to thrive, whether directed against the Latinos moving into white neighborhoods, gay marriage in their town halls, or mosques being built nearby. Or against the first Black President, whose middle name happens to be Hussein. Angst and pessimism are so widespread that not even what would otherwise be considered good news has the power to cheer Americans up.The official end of the war in Iraq came and went practically unnoticed by a population unsure whether America "won or lost" there. After 7 years of fighting an asymmetrical war that has cost, at a minimum, 5,000 American lives, 150,000 Iraqi lives and 700 billion dollars, the United States is withdrawing its combat troops, leaving behind 50,000 troops in support roles and hoping that the Iraqi forces will be able to defend the population from the sectarian violence that is certain to ensue. The parliamentary elections in March delivered no clear winners, and neither Shiite Prime Minister Al-Maliki nor his rival Sunni former Prime Minister Alawi have been able to form a government coalition. In addition, the power and resource distribution struggle between the central government and the regions is still unsettled, and Iran is likely to step into the power vacuum left by the Americans and meddle in its neighbor's politics for years to come. The counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan is not delivering any positive results either, and the American relationship with the Karzai government is at best uneasy. Besides, to paraphrase Frank Rich's recent op-ed titled "How Fox (TV) betrayed Petreaeus", how can you win Muslims hearts and minds in Kandahar if you are at war against Islam at home?No wonder Americans are not celebrating. Instead, they are turning inwards and becoming more isolationists, xenophobic and protectionist. And there is no leadership to pull us through these difficult times. The President is in his bunker, trying to change the topic to Katrina or to Middle East Peace talks (a relatively safe topic, if you think that in probably a hundred years it will still be the main headline of the New York Times). The Republican Party has been hijacked by the Tea Party Movement of Sarah Palin and talk-radio host and Fox news commentator Glenn Beck, who this past weekend held a "Restoring our Honor" march on Washington. From a podium at the Lincoln Memorial, on exactly the 47th the anniversary of Martin Luther King's I have a dream speech, Beck told a mostly white crowd of 87,000 that "Today, America is beginning to turn back to God." He spoke about "restoring the honor to America" and "reclaiming" the civil rights movement, which has been so "distorted". When asked whether he had chosen that date for his rally on Washington to coincide with King's anniversary, Beck responded it was not by intention but "by divine providence".This cynical usurpation of the Black leader's banner by Beck is just one example of how he will go to extremes to maintain his radio and TV ratings. In spite of his theatrical rants and stage hysterics, he is an able manipulator of white anger and racial anxiety. This sad picture of America besot by anxiety about deficits, unemployment and higher taxes, and divided by bigotry begs the question of who benefits. In an election year, the question may sound naïve, but it isn't. Republicans are increasingly worried about the "wacko wing" of the party that has run amok and will be impossible to rein in. Tea Party candidates are defeating incumbents in Republican primaries all over the country. The time is running out for serious Republicans to stand up, stop the nonsense and impose some restraint on its rank and file, while at the same time distance themselves from the most extreme Tea Party rants. They cannot reasonably devote themselves full-time to maligning the President and Democrats in Congress. They need to present a plan for economic growth, jobs and national reconciliation, to show they care about recovery and about governing. By opening the door to Tea Party candidates to win in November, they are in fact giving the President a chance at re-election. At the same time, Obama should move aggressively to the center of the political spectrum, moderate the ambition of his reforms and adopt an agenda of a balanced budget and an extended period for tax cuts. In this way he could win over the Independents, who will most certainly be appalled at the McCarthyist-like atmosphere on Capitol Hill after November, and will vote for him again in 2012, over a Palin, a Huckabee or a Gingrich. This coming year represents a fork in the road for the President: even if the economy recovers in a visible, sustainable way, Obama will have to choose between pragmatism and ideology, between becoming another Bill Clinton or another Jimmy Carter. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
It is a contentious issue whether large scale mining creates local employment, and the sector has been accused of hurting women's labor supply and economic opportunities. This paper uses the rapid expansion of mining in Sub-Saharan Africa to analyze local structural shifts. It matches 109 openings and 84 closings of industrial mines to survey data for 800,000 individuals and exploits the spatial-temporal variation. With mine opening, women living within 20 km of a mine switch from self-employment in agriculture to working in services or they leave the work force. Men switch from agriculture to skilled manual labor. Effects are stronger in years of high world prices. Mining creates local boom-bust economies in Africa, with permanent effects on women's labor market participation.
Gender inequality and related issues remain a major global challenge, particularly for developing countries. Despite considerable progress on gender equality over recent decades, key gender gaps remain in endowments (health and education), in access to jobs and economic opportunities, and in voice and agency. Lack of data limits ability to assess gender gaps and measure progress toward eliminating them. Successfully addressing the incompleteness of civil registration and vital statistics (CRVS) systems can help fill some of these vital data gaps. In addition, having official personal identification (ID) is an important stepping-stone for women and girls - enabling them to access services, claim their entitlements as citizens, and increase their voice and agency through participation in voting and other politics. Global initiatives such as identification for development (ID4D) promote opportunities to provide women with access to foundational documentation such as birth certificates and expansion of other ways to establish their legal identity. In addition, better data resulting from personal identity registration will advance gender equality policy discussions and planning. This paper examines rates of male and female registration for national identities globally to identify key registration constraints and gaps. The authors find no systematic evidence of gender-based gaps in birth registration; rather, evidence suggests that poverty, social exclusion, and geography may constrain birth registration of both males and females. Drawing on case studies and national-level data, the authors next examine outcomes in specific policy areas: access to financial services, access to social protection schemes, and inclusion in electoral roles and voting. Here, the evidence suggests, adult women face gender-specific barriers in getting ID, sometimes related to inability to obtain foundational documentation such as birth certificates.
�쓽�븰怨�/諛뺤궗 ; [�븳湲�] [�쁺臾�] In 1962 the Korean economic growth rate was 2.6%, as compared to an estimated 3% population increase. In recognition of this fact that gains in improving our standard of living were being offset by concrrent gains in population growth, the national government included family planning in its Five Year Plan, and set the goals of reducing the rate of population growth to 2.5% by 1966 and to 2.0% by 1971. Along with such a national family planning program, the Department of Preventive Medicine, Yonsei University, College of Medicine initiated a pilot study of family planning in rural Korea, Koyang in order to demonstrate the possibilities of reducing the community birth rate by introducing simple and feasible contraceptive methods into a predominantly rural population The experiences and findings gained in this Koyang study, which were reported elsewhere by Yang, Bang and Kim, provideda guideline to help determine the basic factors on which to develop the national family planning program. However, in spite of the rapid and far reaching spread of the national family planning program and the considerable amount of budget and personnel resources used in 1962-1964, there had been no baseline data to assess the efficiency and effectiveness of the program. In order to obtain such essential data, a nationwide sample survey was conducted as a joint and cooperative effort of the Yonsei University, Planned Parenthood Federation of Korea, Ministry of Health and Social Affairs and Economic Planning Board in April 1964 by which to assess the current status of family planning and to provide some basic data to measure its effectiveness for the on-going program in family planning. Purpose of the Study In the present paper, utilizing the survey data from the national sample, the author has undertaken a study to measure what extent the family planning program has spread in Korea in terms of know-ledge, attitude, and practice of the family planning and to analyze how such family planning variables are related to socio-cultural backgrounds of Korean couples. The Data and Method of Analysis All our data are from interviews with Korean married women in the child bearing years (15-50) and interviewed in 1964. In sampling design, multiple stratified random sampling with l/l,000 sampling fraction was applied, and 4,867 households (equivalent to 1% of inhabitants in Korea in 1964) were sampled. From among those sampled households, 4,008 wives and 3,966 husbands were interviewed. Only 3,805 households were considered to be eligible for the purpose of our study as we limited the study to the households in which one or more married women under 50 years of age are currently living with their husbands. Thus, in this survey 4,708 wives and 3,966 husbands were interviewed from April 15 to 23, 1964,by 180 enumerators of Economic Planning Board to whom a two-day training was given by the Yonsei University. The questionnaires designed by the Department includes 19 questions relevant to knowledge, attitude and practice in family planning, fertility and socio-cultural background of the respondents as shown in the attached. In analysis, we deal with two groups of variables-one related to family planning, and the other to the socio-cultural background of the respondents. Family planning variables (as dependent variables)include; knowledge of contraceptive methods, attitude toward family planning and number of children, and practice of contraception, Socio-cultural variables (as independent variables)are limited to age, education and occupation, residence, and number of living children. In the tabulation, both dependent and independent variables were first tabulated, then, we cross tabulated both variables in order to see how the dependent variables are affected by each class of the independent variables. Findings A. Knowledge of family planning 1. 71% of wives and 97% of husbands had heard of the word "family planning" and the rate were higher among young couples aged under 39 than that aged over 40. 2. 51% of wives and 62% of husbands knew of contraceptive methods such as condom, sterilization, foam tablet, rhythm method and coitus interruptus. This contraceptive knowledge was known t?67% of city and 46% of women in the rural county. 3. The media through which they had heard of contraceptive method were acquaintances, magazines, health centers, lecture meetings, National Reconstruction Movement workers, physicians and drug-stores in that order But there were remarkable differences between urban and rural areas. In the counties, the order of media from which they had heard of contraceptive method was health center, radio, acquaintances, magazines, lectures, National Reconstruction Movement workers, physicians and drugstores while in cities this knowledge was through acquaintances, radio, magazines, newspapers, physicians, health centers, lectures, National Reconstruction Movement workers and drug-stores. B. Attitude toward family Planning 1. Ideal number of children Their ideal number of children (I.N.C.) averaged 4.1 (2.5 sons and 1.6 daughters) and there was little difference between husband and wife, excluding those who had never thought of such an ideal number of children. But the number differed largely by the age of respondents. Wives under 34 and husbands under39 wished 2 sons and 1 daughter as their ideal number of children while those over 35 in wive sand in husbands over 40 were 3.2 as their I.N.C. The ideal number of children varied noticeably by the occupation of the respondent. The rural respondents wanted 4.2 children (2.6 sons and 1.6 daughters) while in the city respondents wanted 3.7 (2.3 sons and 1.4 daughters). 2. Attitude toward contraception 44.4% of wives and 45.1% of husbands wanted to practice contraception. Among those who disagreed to practice contraception, 60% of them wanted more children,24% disagreed due to their old age, 2% had had sterilizing operations. Less than 1% of the respondents were' against contraception due to religious and ethical reasons. Wives in the age group 30-39 wanted to practice contraception in the highest percentage(61%). Only 42% of wives residing in rural areas wanted to practice contraception while in cities 53% wanted to. The women who had 4 or 5 children wanted most to practice contraception. It was found that approval of contraception for spacing of children was considered good by 11% of women who had no children, 23% of women who had 1 child, 35% of women who had 2 children and 45% of women who had 3 children. C. Practice of contraception 1. Rate of practicing contraception Among 4,008 respondents (wife), 9% or 364 women were practicing contraception, 3% or 115 women had ever practiced contraception and 39% or 1,951 women had never practiced even though they knew of one or more contraceptive methods. The responses of husbands were about the same as those of the wives. The percentage of current users by age was highest in the 30-35 (13.5%) and next in the 20-29 age group (8%). In urban areas 19% of the interviewed women were practicing contraception while in rural area only 6% were practicing. 2. Kind of method practicing The common contraceptive methods used were foam tablet (2i%), rhythm method (23%), condom (22%). Other methods were jelly (9%), douche (6%), coitus interruptus (5%),sterilization operation (2%), diaphragm (2%), and others (3%). There was small difference by age and by residence. D. Fertility 1. Number of live-births The average number of live-births of the Questioned women so far delivered was 4.15 (4.06 in urban, 4.18 in rural). The average number of live-births by age was 4.24 in the 30-34 age group and 6.46 in the 45-49 age group. And those by duration of marriage were 3.8 children in the 10-14years group, 5.0 in 15-19 years group, 6.1 in 20-24, 6.8 in 25-29, 7.0 in the group of 30 years or older respectively. 2. Current pregnancy The number of women who were definitely pregnant at the time of the survey was 354 or8.8% and those who were doubtful of pregnancy was 151 or 3.8%. 3. Induced abortion 93% of women had never had an induced abortion. The average number of induced abortions in those who had had an induced abortion was 1.6 per woman. Among those who were 30-39age group, 9.7% had had an induced abortion as the highest percentage. Of those who had had 15-19 years of marital life, 10.6% had had one or more induced abortion, indicating the highest percentage. 15.5% of the women residing in urban areas have ever had an abortion, and the rate was higher than that of the rural woman which was 4.1%. 4. Sterility 7.2% of total number of respondents (wife) were sterile. Among those 1.3% had primary sterility and 5.9% had secondary sterility. Summary In order to evaluate the national family planning program in Korea, 4,008 wives and 3,956 husbands were interviewed from April 15 to 23, 1964. In the present paper, the author has analyzed such a survey data to measure what extent the family planning program has spread in Korea in terms of knowledge, attitude and practice of the family planning and to analyze how such family planning variables are related to socio-cultural backgrounds7f Korean couples. A brief summary of findings are follows: 1. This survey proved that a large number of people has been exposed to the information and education services of the family planning program, and high proportion of couples has been informed about the word of family planning as well as the methods of contraception. 2. A strong consensus existed in all strata of the society that a moderate number of children is desirable. The husbands and wives wanted three, four, or five children-preferably with at least two sons. There was little indication of desire for the very large family 3. Under current mortality conditions, however, most couples were having the children they wanted by the time they were in their thirties. 4. An overwhelming majority approved the idea of family planning and favored some type of family limitation. The major objection to family planning lies in the age old affection for large families, and not necessarily due to religion or a cede of ethics 5. Therefore, to control the excess births, same were having induced abortion but a sizable minority had tried some form of family planning. 6. As might be expected, this analysis proved that the modern strata with lowest ideal number of children and most practice of family planning were identified as the most literate and educated, those with the least farm background, those employed in the modern economic sector. 7. It was also clear that the demand for and interest in family planning were not limited to an elite modern group. The farmers and the illiterates, for example, wanted about the same thing with respect to family size, but they seemed to need information and services to move them to action. Thus, these findings helped to shape the form and scope of the national family planning program in giving the first priority to help those who wanted to limit family size and to reach the less advanced strata. Finally, this analysis of the survey data should help not only in evaluating the ongoing national family planning program but also in making plans for target populations in the next stages of the program in family planning. ; restriction
IntroductionOver the last decade, we have witnessed a number of changes to our welfare state. With the 1996 bi‐partisan‐supported welfare reform legislation (Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act; PRWORA), the federal government devolved much of the responsibility for public assistance to the states, instituted time‐limited assistance, and aimed to curb non‐marital childbirths, encourage marriage, and push welfare recipients to become economically self‐sufficient. After PRWORA, a slew of scholars from multiple academic disciplines sought to understand the implementation and implications of the changes to the welfare system for poor families as well as those agencies, staff, and programs that serve them. In this article, Kissane and Krebs synthesize some major findings from this research on welfare reform and its effects. Courses using such a review might situate the exploration of welfare reform within a larger investigation of America's welfare state, poverty, and/or social policy.Author recommendsBrown, Michael K. 1999. Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Through a detailed examination of social policy from the New Deal through the Reagan administration, Brown explores,'how both race and social class bear on the political development of the American welfare state' (p. xiv). As the title of the books suggests, Brown pays particular attention to taxes, fiscal capacity and spending in his account.DeParle, Jason. 2004. American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York: Penguin Press.DeParle, a New York Times journalist, moves effortlessly between exploring developments in American welfare policy and chronicling the lives of three poor women. He vividly depicts the complexity of the women's lives in the wake of the changes to the welfare system, while also providing fascinating details on the origins and implementation of welfare reform.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1997. Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare and Low‐Wage Work. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.This book presents findings from Edin and Lein's comprehensive, multi‐city qualitative study on the monthly budgets of low‐wage workers and welfare‐reliant women, as well as their strategies for making ends meet. They find that both groups rely on their networks for in‐kind and cash assistance, aid from non‐profit organizations, and earnings from informal work to survive. Edin and Lein also investigate the relative costs and benefits (both tangible and intangible) of work versus welfare.Esping‐Andersen, Gøsta. 1990. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An essential book if one is interested in the development of welfare states across advanced Western societies. Esping‐Andersen delineates three typologies of welfare state regimes (conservative, liberal, and social) and explores the factors that establish the differences in welfare states.Gilens, Martin. 1999. Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.In this well‐researched book, Gilens explores public opinion on anti‐poverty policies and the media's role in shaping how the public thinks about welfare. His chapters on the media's representations of poverty and welfare are particularly enlightening.Gordon, Linda. 1994. Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.In this book, Gordon, a social historian, argues that reformers working in the women's movement during the Progressive Era had a significant effect on the development of the welfare state; however, they also helped to cement racial and gender stratification within it and ultimately limit its full development.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.In Flat Broke with Children, Hays, a sociologist, does a wonderful job exploring the cultural values behind welfare reform, detailing the contradictory nature of its requirements and procedures, and situating welfare recipients and their behavior within the larger American cultural context. Through her analysis of data collected from years of fieldwork in welfare offices in two states, Hays also investigates how poor women and welfare staff experience and think about welfare reform.Iceland, John. 2006. Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.This book is an excellent overview of poverty in America. Iceland clearly details views on poverty, how we measure poverty, the characteristics of the poverty population, and the causes of poverty.Katz, Michael B. 2001. The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.In this expansive work, Katz, a social historian, details recent developments across various areas of the American welfare state (although he focuses on anti‐poverty policies), while situating these developments within a larger historical context. In particular, he shows how public social policy in recent decades has shifted around three 'great objectives': (i) to end dependence; (ii) to devolve authority; and (iii) to apply market models to social policy.Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.In this classic, Piven and Cloward advance their theory that 'expansive relief policies are designed to mute civil disorder, and restrictive ones to reinforce work norms' (p. xv). Their book explores a large span of history – from early poor relief in France and England to developments under the Bush administration.Online materials Catholic Campaign for Human Development (CCHD) http://www.nccbuscc.org/cchd/povertyusa/ This website includes some facts about poverty, as well as ideas for educators on ways to generate discussion on poverty. The 'getting involved' section of the website is particularly useful, providing, among other things, a poverty quiz, interactive maps, information on CCHD funded programs, a 'poverty tour' that addresses issues with the federal poverty line, and ways to get involved. Global Rich List http://www.globalrichlist.com/ This website allows you to situate your annual income in the context of the world's population. It is a great little teaching tool to introduce concepts of relative poverty, income inequality, and global poverty to students. Green Book from House Ways and Means Committee http://www.gpoaccess.gov/wmprints/green/index.html The Green Book is an excellent resource for descriptions and historical data on many U.S. social welfare programs, such as the Social Security, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Foster Care, Medicaid, and Food Stamp programs. MDRC http://www.mdrc.org/ Known best, perhaps, for its evaluations of welfare policies and programs that incorporate random assignment, MDRC provides detailed information on programs and policies that affect the poor. Among other things, the website includes publications, working papers, policy briefs, and videos detailing research findings. The National Center for Children in Poverty (NCCP) http://www.nccp.org/ The NCCP at Columbia University provides statistical information and fact sheets on poverty and policy issues, often with a focus on the links between family economic security and child development. Individuals might find particularly useful the 'State Profiles' section of the website, which allows one to view demographic information (often in clear charts and graphs), issue areas, and policies for the state of one's choosing. U.S. Census Bureau http://www.census.gov/ The census website provides an extensive array of data on the U.S. population and economy. Besides navigating from the above link, data and reports on poverty can also be found directly at http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty.html. The World Bank http://www.worldbank.org/ The World Bank's website provides resources valuable to exploring worldwide poverty and situating the U.S. globally. In particular, the PovertyNet area (http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/TOPICS/EXTPOVERTY/0,,menuPK:336998~pagePK:149018~piPK:149093~theSitePK:336992,00.html) of the website presents detailed information and data on poverty and related issues that researchers, educators, and practitioners may find useful.Additional online resourcesScores of additional organizations and centers (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to the economy, welfare, public policy, and poverty. What follows is a list of some other key organizations and centers, alongside links to their websites:
Brookings Institute (http://www.brookings.edu) Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (http://www.cbpp.org/) Center for Law and Social Policy (http://www.clasp.org/) Center for Research on Child Wellbeing (CRCW) (http://crcw.princeton.edu/) Child Trends (http://www.childtrends.org/) Heritage Foundation (http://www.heritage.org/) Institute for Research on Poverty (http://www.irp.wisc.edu/) Joint Center for Poverty Research (http://www.jcpr.org/) National Poverty Center (http://www.npc.umich.edu/) Urban Institute (http://www.urban.org/)
Sample syllabusPoverty, Welfare, and the Safety Net (excerpt from syllabus)Description of courseThe terms 'safety net' and 'welfare state' commonly refer to a range of public and non‐governmental programs and policies that seek to protect individuals and their families from distress and hardship and/or improve the quality of their lives. In this course, we will primarily explore facets of the American welfare state that seek to assuage poverty and its effects. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this area of inquiry is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines throughout the course.This is an advanced course, designed for students who already have substantial familiarity with the causes and consequences of poverty. In the first third of the course, we will investigate the early development of our nation's welfare state, from poorhouses and outdoor relief to mothers' pensions and the New Deal. We then move to exploring Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and anti‐poverty policies of the 1960s and 1970s. Next, we examine changes in federal welfare policy over the last couple of decades, focusing on the welfare reforms of the 1990s, the consequences of these reforms, and the experiences of poor women since these changes. We end the course by looking in more depth at the private safety net (particularly, secular and faith‐based organizations that serve the poor), public opinion, and future directions for welfare policy.Course outline and reading assignments Week 1. Introduction to poverty and the course Iceland, John. 2006. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 20–97). Poverty in America: A Handbook. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Rank, Mark. 2003. 'As American as Apple Pie: Poverty and Welfare.'Contexts 2(3): 41–46.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Poverty and Inequality in the New American City' (pp. 33–56). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 2. What is welfare? Why have welfare states? Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Invention of Welfare' (pp. 1–8) and 'The American Welfare State' (only pp. 9–17). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Howard, Christopher. 1993. 'The Hidden Side of the American Welfare State.'Political Science Quarterly. 108(3): 403–436 (note: pages 420–433 are optional).T. H. Marshall. 1977. Selection from 'Citizenship and Social Class' in Class, Citizenship, and Social Development: Essays by T.H. Marshall. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.UN Declaration of Human Rights (http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html) Week 3. Early developments Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. 'Relief, Labor, and Civil Disorder: An Overview' (pp. 3–42). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Katz, Michael B. 1996. 'The Origins and Failure of the Poorhouse' and 'Outdoor Relief' (pp. 3–59). In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America: Tenth Anniversary Edition. New York, NY: BasicBooks. Week 4. Mothers pensions, the New Deal, and ADC Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapter 2–3 (pp. 45–119). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Linda Gordon. 1994. Selection from Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Brown, Michael K. 1999. Chapter 2 (pp. 63–96). Race, Money and the American Welfare State. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. 'Unfinished Democracy' (only pp. 17–25). The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Optional: DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–37). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 5. AFDC, welfare rights, and anti‐poverty policies in the 1960s and 1970s Piven, Frances F. and Richard A. Cloward. 1993. Chapters 4 and 6 (pp. 123–146; pp. 183–199). Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (updated edition). New York, NY: Vintage Books.Quadagno, Jill S. 1994. Selection from The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York, NY and Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Tilmon, Johnnie. 1972. 'Welfare is a Women's Issue.'Ms. Spring: 2 pages. http://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/tillmon.aspDeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 3 and 5 (pp. 38–57; 85–100). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Weeks 6 and 7. Devolution, the 1980s and 90s, and 'ending welfare as we know it' Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Family Support Act' (pp. 71–76); 'Governors as Welfare Reformers' (pp. 77–103); and 'Fighting Poverty 1990s Style' (pp. 293–316). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapter 1 (pp. 3–31). Flat Broke with Children. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 4; 6–9 (pp. 58–81; 101–174). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Optional: Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Urban Social Welfare in an Age of Austerity' (pp. 104–136). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Week 8. Assessing welfare reform Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Katz, Michael B. 2001. pp. 328–340 of 'The End of Welfare'The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books. Weeks 9–11. A closer look at life after welfare reform Hays, Sharon. 2003. Chapters 2–8 (pp. 33–240) Flat Broke with Children: Women in the Age of Welfare Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Chapters 10–18 (pp. 175–322). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press. Week 12. The Private Safety Net: Nonprofit, Community‐Based Service Provision Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'The Independent Sector, the Market and the State' (only pp. 137–155 and 162–170). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2003. 'What's Need Got to Do with It? Why Poor Women Do Not Use Nonprofit Social Services.'Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 30(2): 127–148.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2006. 'Responsible but Uninformed? Nonprofit Executive and Program Directors' Knowledge of Welfare Reform.'Social Service Review. 80(2): 322–345.Reread 'Nonprofit organizations and welfare reform' (pp. 802–804) in Kissane, Rebecca Joyce and Richard Krebs. 2007. 'Assessing Welfare Reform, Over a Decade Later.'Sociology Compass 1(2): 789–813. doi:10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00029.x.Edin, Kathryn and Laura Lein. 1998. 'The Private Safety Net: The Role of Charitable Organizations in the Lives of the Poor.'Housing Policy Debate. 9(4): 541–573. Week 13. The Private Safety Net, continued: Faith‐based organizations (FBOs) Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Faith, Charity, and Inner Cities' (pp. 155–162). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.Twombly, Eric. 2002. 'Religious Versus Secular Human Service Organizations: Implications for Public Policy.'Social Science Quarterly. 83(4): 847–961.Kissane, Rebecca Joyce. 2007. 'How Do Faith‐Based Organizations Compare to Secular Providers? Nonprofit Directors' and Poor Women's Assessments of FBOs.'Journal of Poverty. 11(4): 91–115.Sherman, A. L. 2003. 'Faith in Communities: A Solid Investment.'Society. 40(2): 19–26.DiIulio Jr., John J. 2007. Selection from Godly Republic: A Centrist Blueprint for America's Faith‐Based Future. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Scott W. Allard. 2007. 'Access and Stability: Comparing Faith‐based and Secular Nonprofit Service Providers.' A paper presented at the National Poverty Center at the University of Michigan 2007 conference, 'The Impact of Religion and Faith‐Based Organizations on the Lives of Low Income Families.'Optional: Smith, Steven Rathgeb and Michael R. Sosin. 2001. 'Varieties of Faith‐Related Agencies.'Public Administration Review. 61(6): 651–670. Week 14. Public Opinion, the Media, and Policy Gilens, Martin. 1999. Chapters 2–3 (pp. 31–79); Chapter 5 (only pp. 111–132); Chapter 6 (pp. 133–153) and Chapter 8 (only pp. 184–203). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Reingold, David A. and Helen Liu. Forthcoming. 'Do Poverty Attitudes of Social Service Agency Directors Influence Organizational Behavior?'Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly.Optional: Misra, Joya, Stephanie Moller, and Marina Karides. 2003. 'Envisioning Dependency: Changing Media Depictions of Welfare in the 20th Century.'Social Problems. 50(4): 482–504. Week 15. Future directions and course wrap‐up Katz, Michael B. 2001. 'Work, Democracy, and Citizenship' (pp. 341–359). The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State. New York, NY: Metropolitan Books.DeParle, Jason. 2004. Epilogue (pp. 323–338). American Dream: Three Women, Ten Kids and a Nation's Drive to End Welfare. New York, NY: Penguin Press.Gilens, Martin. 1999. 'The Politics of the American Welfare State' (pp. 204–216). Why Americans Hate Welfare. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Rector, Robert. 2005. 'Welfare Reform and the Healthy Marriage Initiative.' Statement before the Sub‐committee on Human Resources of the Committee on Ways and Means U.S. House of Representatives. Available at http://www.heritage.org/Research/Welfare/tst021005a.cfmCoontz, Stephanie and Nancy Folbre. 2002. 'Marriage, Poverty, and Public Policy: A Discussion Paper from the Council on Contemporary Families.' The American Prospect. March 19, 2002. Available at http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=marriage_poverty_and_public_policyFilms and videosA Day's Work, A Day's Pay (57 min)This documentary, based in New York City, follows three welfare recipients participating in the city's welfare‐to‐work program. The film not only documents the problems with the city jobs that the welfare recipients have to perform, but it also explores how the welfare recipients become social activists.Eating Welfare (57 min)Told through the youth of the community, this documentary investigates welfare reform's effect on Southeast Asian refugee families living in the Bronx. The film highlights problems particular to this population, as well as general issues facing the welfare recipients under workfare.Ending Welfare As We Know It (90 min)Take it From Me: Life After Welfare (75 min)These two documentaries follow welfare families as they deal with the consequences of welfare reform and the complexities of their lives.Poverty Outlaw (1 h)This documentary follows the development of the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU), 'a multiracial organization of, by and for poor and homeless people' located in Philadelphia (http://www.kwru.org/), as well as the hardships experienced by its members and other individuals living in poverty in America. A subsequent film, Outriders (1999; 1 h), follows KWRU on its New Freedom Bus Tour, in which the organization sought to document economic human rights violations across America.Tempting Faith: Is Charitable Choice Working? (57 min)This documentary explores the Charitable Choice provision of the 1996 welfare reform legislation through an examination of faith‐based programs in Indiana, North Carolina, and Massachusetts. The film includes views on both the pros and cons of faith‐based initiatives.Waging a Living (85 min)This documentary focuses on the lives of four low‐wage workers as they struggle to make ends meet.Welfare Reform: Social Impact (29 min)This program, released shortly after the passage of welfare reform, explores the history of welfare and issues surrounding welfare reform. It includes interviews with Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson, Wendell Primus, and Rebecca Blank.Seminar/Project ideas1. This activity uncovers students' misunderstandings regarding poverty and welfare.Early in the semester (usually the first day of class), students take a 'poverty and welfare quiz' in which they answer factual and attitudinal questions on poverty and welfare. Instructors can then use the survey answers as springboards for weekly discussions on topics covered in the course. As the semester progresses, the students usually discover that they held many misconceptions regarding poverty and welfare.2. This activity explores the hidden assumptions and meanings behind the words 'dependent' and 'independent.' Other words or phrases could also be explored in this manner, such as 'deserving' and 'undeserving' poor.Ask the students to list (in separate columns) images, individuals, and/or circumstances that come to mind when they hear the words 'dependent' and 'independent'. Then, as a class or in small groups, discuss and assess the students' lists. How are these lists culturally specific? Do visions of race, ethnicity, class, gender, age and household structure come into play? How? Why do you think certain images come to mind when you hear these words? How do our understandings of 'dependence' and 'independence' relate to our understandings of welfare and poverty? To anti‐poverty policies?3. Among other topics, this activity can be used to launch discussions of deserving versus undeserving poor, universal versus means‐tested transfers, barriers to self‐sufficiency and employment, and notions of 'governmental assistance.'Break the students into small groups and give each group a sheet of paper with about six profiles that cover a variety of individuals and family types. For example, one profile might depict a 30‐year‐old housewife with two children whose husband works. Another might be an unemployed, divorced woman with six children who is clinically depressed, etc. Create profiles in such a way that students will likely consider in their working groups the employment, marital status, age, gender, child‐bearing, physical and mental health, and race and ethnicity of their profiled individuals. Have each group discuss to whom they would give governmental assistance, in what order they would distribute the aid, and what they would give each profiled family. Reconvene the class and compare the groups' decisions. What did the groups' consider 'governmental assistance'? How did they decide how they would distribute the aid? Who was 'worthy' of help? Did they feel as if they needed additional information to make their decisions? What information did they want to have that the profiles did not provide? Why would that information be important to their deliberations?4. This written assignment allows students to investigate a program or policy not covered comprehensively in the course.Each student will choose a program or policy aimed to assuage poverty and/or its effects that we do not cover extensively in this course [e.g., Head Start, Unemployment Insurance, Supplemental Security Income (SSI), public housing programs, etc]. All topics must be approved prior to beginning work on the project. After choosing a topic, students will write a final paper that includes the following components:
An introduction. What is the program? How is it meant to assuage poverty or its consequences? Why should we care about your topic? A brief review of the history of the policy or program. When was the program started? Why? By whom? What key changes have occurred to the program over the years? A review of the social science research literature on the program. What data and research are available on your program? What does the empirical research tell us about the program's effectiveness, clientele, take‐up rates, strengths, weaknesses, etc? Specific policy recommendation(s). How can your program be improved? (Note: your recommendation(s) should be based on the empirical evidence not value‐laden opinions)
Instructors may want to add a final presentation to the above assignment. Having students present as part of a panel may be particularly effective if students' topics cluster around several areas, for example 'educational policy', 'family policy', 'housing policy', etc.
The aim of this report is to provide a broad overview of the current state of gender equality in Tajikistan. While the Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region traditionally surpassed many other regions in terms of gender equality, this advantage has been eroding in recent decades. Particularly in Tajikistan, concerns have been raised that men and women have unequally born the consequences of economic, political, and social transitions after independence in 1991. The report examines several dimensions of gender equality both quantitatively and qualitatively. Tajikistan has set up a legal framework that enshrines principles of equality and non-discrimination, but better implementation results require continued efforts. Prevailing social norms and patriarchal systems of decision-making limit women s ability to make effective choices be it at home or at work. The paper is structured along the following lines. The first section introduces the idea of agency that will remain an important issue throughout the report. This is followed by an analysis of disparities in human capital endowment, including health and education. Gender gaps in the Tajik labor market and entrepreneurial activities of men and women are discussed in the fourth and fifth section. The final section concludes with some policy recommendations that might be beneficial for discussions among policy-makers, civil society actors, and development partners.
Social norms affect almost every aspect of people's lives, and can be an obstacle to or support economic development. This paper outlines what social norms are and how they work, providing examples from everyday life and from development case studies. Sometimes not much can be done about changing undesirable social norms. In those cases, development economists need to be aware of how the existence of those norms can impact the effects of the policies they advocate. But of particular importance to development economists is the ways in which social norms can be changed, at least under some circumstances. Understanding of social norm change is still patchy at best, but the paper outlines the theoretical underpinnings of change, with empirical evidence from various policies aimed at changing social norms. However, some of those policies raise ethical concerns that would require attention.