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Abstract
In 2014, the Islamic State (ISIS) emerged as one of the most prominent global security threats after securing large swaths of land in Syria and Iraq. By 2018, it has lost nearly all of its territory to the various military forces allied against it. ISIS's territorial expansion correlated with the group's online propaganda activities. With the established contribution of online media efforts to ISIS recruitment and fundraising, isolating factors that correspond to changes in the group's media output takes on added importance. The following study, designed to track ISIS's territorial expansions and contractions from July 2014 to September 2018 against the group's visual output levels and content, seeks to resolve such disputes by both expanding the period of analysis and deconflating land acquisition from other possible variables of analysis. Specifically, the study explores the relationship between territorial control and the visual imagery in ISIS's two English-language online magazines, Dabiq and Rumiyah, across all published issues from July 2014 until September 2017. It also examines any territorial links to the visual imagery in al-Naba', the group's Arabic-language newsletter, from December 2015 until September 2018. We find that territorial control is significantly associated with changes in the number of images for all publications. Furthermore, we observe an overall trend from military to state-building imagery as territorial losses occur. Thus, territorial changes appeared to influence ISIS's messaging as the group tried to reassure its readers of its continued state presence through a shift toward state-building imagery.

Encountering Muslim Arabs and Islam in the first hegira century, Sistani people showed two kinds of reaction. Many of them did not resist Islam and its divine teachings and gradually converted to this new religion; however, they stood up to the racist and oppressive dominance of Umayyad family and whenever they got an opportunity, they expressed their hatred towards them by joining anti-Umayyad uprisings. Abdolrahmanibn Mohammad ibnAsh'at was one of the anti-Umayyad uprisings. Many of Sistani people took part in this uprising. In the present study, the descriptive—analytical research method has been used and with the help of library sources, the role of Sistani people in the uprising of ibnAsh'at against the Umayyad caliphate system has been reviewed. Due to dissatisfaction of Sistani people with the oppressive Umayyad governance, Khawarij's anti-Umayyad propaganda in Sistan region, exponential financial and bodily costs resulting from successive wars of the Umayyad governors in eastern borders with the governance of Ratabilan, the essential substrate was built for Sistani people to join ibnAsh'at's anti-Umayyad uprising. Although this uprising failed, but it weakened the pillars of the Umayyad governance and it proceeded to the extent that Umayyad family was on the verge of being falling and it also paved the way for the anti-Umayyad uprisings subsequent to it.

Differences betweenhumans is natural. The Qur'an also suggests that these differences will continue in linewith the existence of humans on this earth. There are many factors behind the birth ofdifferences between humans, such as religious factors, political factors, ethnic factors, andothers. This paper examines the phenomenon of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria)which is a splinter group of Muslims who often launch acts of terror in the name ofIslamic teachings. The emergence of ISIS ultimately gave a bad effect to the face of Islamin the international world because Islam, which is truly a religion of love, was viewedby outsiders as a religion that supported radicalism-terrorism. This study found that theemergence of the ISIS phenomenon was due to misunderstanding in interpreting theverses of the Qur'an about the concepts of jihâd, takfîr and caliphate. ; The differences between mankind are natural. The Qur'an also suggests that differences will continue to exist on this earth in line with the existence of human beings. There are many factors behind the birth of differences among humans, such as religious factors, political factors, ethnic factors, and other factors.This paper examines the phenomenon of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) which is a splinter group of Muslims who often launch acts of terror in the name of Islamic teachings. The emergence of ISIS and other terrorist groups has given a bad effect on the face of Islam in the international world because Islam is then seen by outsiders as a religion that supports radicalism-terrorism. Islam, as a religion of love, has never encouraged its followings to do damage on earth. On the contrary, this religion encourages its people to revive an atmosphere of peace and compassion in all aspects of life. This study finds the fact that the emergence of the ISIS phenomenon is due to a misunderstanding in interpreting the Qur'anic verses about jihad, takfir and khilafah.

The article deals with the rights of women in the Fatimid Caliphate (10th to 12th centuries) by analysing the judicial practice of the time, the decisions of the Sharia and Mazalim courts. The author focuses on the legal status of women in the sphere of marriage, family and criminal law in the Ismaili tradition. Historical-legal and comparative-legal methods are used in the analysis of sources. The study begins with a short digression into the history of the Fatimid Caliphate. The features of the judicial system, the role of the cadi and its competence are described. There are a number of court cases, one of the parties to which was a woman. Based on the analysis, the author makes a conclusion about the specifi city of the Fatimid approach to marriage, in comparison with the Sunni and Imamite legal schools. The special role of guardians at the conclusion of the marriage contract and restriction of freedom of its termination is noted. Attention is drawn to the fact of
extremely negative attitude to marriage between Muslim women and representatives of other religious movements, as well as to such an institution of family law as temporary marriage, legalised in the Imamite school of law. The fi nal part deals with criminal cases in which a woman is both the victim and the accused. Based on these precedents, it is a non-trivial conclusion that the judges of the Fatimid Caliphate did not always rely on Sharia norms when making decisions against women, which is completely atypical for Muslim traditions in general. At the same time, any crimes against this group of the population were
punished rather severely. Particular attention is drawn to the state's approach to women plaintiffs, depending on the degree of their personal participation in the judicial process.

This study analyzes the discourse on the caliphate system, the Islamic state, and the Sharia-based regional regulation among Indonesian Muslim youth. After the reform era, the large flow of Islamic studies and political discourse in Indonesia was marked by a big wave of return of Islamic conservatism. The discourse of jihad, caliphs, Sharia-based regional regulation, and the struggle to bring about an Islamic state became lively. This study focuses on millennial young Islamic activists' responses whose join public schools in Pekalongan City, Central Java, Indonesia. With a qualitative approach, this study's data were obtained through interviews, observation, and documentation. The data were analyzed through an interactive analysis tool introduced by Miles and Huberman. The results of this study reveal that Muslim youths have multiple personalities. They want to be entirely religious and apply Islam in all aspects. Still, they are also aware that a state based on Pancasila (Five principles) is the right choice in a pluralistic Indonesian context. This study also found that the majority of Indonesian youths had minimal literacy in the constituent debate on religious and state relations during the formation of the Indonesian state. This fact impacts the lack of awareness, understanding, and contextualization of the caliphate system's discourse, the Islamic state, and the Sharia regulation among Indonesian Muslim youth. On the other hand, the strengthening of textual understanding and the lack of awareness of nationalism literacy are the threat to the sustainability of the Indonesian nation's future.

The Appeal of Radical Islam : Supporting "Vocal" instead of Violent Groups. Hizb ut-Tahrir as a case study -- Hizb ut-Tahrir's Appeal to Muslims in the West : The Effectiveness of an Organisational Model -- Hizb ut-Tahrir's Challenge to Western States : The War of Ideas in the Political and Social Fields -- The Uniqueness of Hizb ut-Tahrir as an Agent vis-à-vis its Competitors -- Hizb ut-Tahrir as a Structure : Impacting Identities, Influencing Behaviours, and Promoting Long-erm Membership.

With the establishment of the Caliphate foundation, Iranians disappointed with accessing their own political aims through cooperating with the Caliphate, gradually started to reconstruct their kingdom regime and began a competition that somehow had a tough hostility towards Abbasids. In such a situation, the Abbasids, especially the Caliph al-Nasser, followed the process of recovering the Caliphate political hegemony, while and the Khwarizmi's, in parallel, were planning a rigid dominance on Islamic world's eastern regions including Baghdad, the capital of the Caliphate, to restrict its power in religious affairs. But after several battles between the armies of both sides, Sultan Muhammad Khwārazmshāh failed finally. This article attempts to recognize and analyze the motives and causes of the contrast that existed between these two power centers and their subsequent political and military consequences.
Keywords: Abbasid Caliphate, Al-Nāsser Ledin-Allah, Khwārazmshāh, Sultān Muhammad, the Ismāilia.

The paper focuses on the historical discourse produced by the "Caliphate of the Islamic State," a quasi-state that existed from 2014 to 2017 and was created by a terrorist group (it was not recognized by any country in the world; in 2014 the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation banned its activities in Russia). Particular attention is paid to the ways, in which ideologists of the "caliphate" utilized their appeals to the early Islamic historical past in the processes of state-building, constructing "the hostile Other", and shaping territorial identity of the quasi-state. Such appeals were employed to construct an ideal order to be strictly followed, to legitimize the dominant role the Islamic State's ideologists as interpreters of this order and to mobilize one's own group against "the hostile Other". In the process of constructing the "ideal caliphate" of the past, ideologists took out of historical contexts both various features of those governmental systems that existed in different periods and markedly confrontational archaic practices of medieval Muslim states' relations with the outside world. ; Анализируется исторический дискурс «халифата Исламского государства» - созданного террористической группировкой квазигосударственного образования, существовавшего с 2014 по 2017 г. (оно не было признано ни одной страной мира; в 2014 г. Верховный Суд РФ запретил деятельность «Исламского государства» в России). Особое внимание уделяется апеллированию идеологов «халифата» к раннеисламскому историческому прошлому в процессе выстраивания системы государственного управления и конструирования «враждебного Другого», а также в контексте территориальной идентичности квазигосударства. Такого рода отсылки к прошлому использовались для конструирования эталонного порядка, которому предписывалось неукоснительно следовать, легитимизировали главенствующую роль идеологов «Исламского государства» как интерпретаторов «эталонности» и для мобилизации своей группы на основе ее противопоставления «враждебному Другому». В процессе конструирования «идеального халифата» прошлого идеологами выхватывались из исторического контекста элементы государственного управления различных периодов, а также конфронтационные и архаические практики в отношениях средневековых мусульманских государств с внешним миром.

IN EARLY ELEVENTHǧ CENTURY al- Andalus, al- Dalfa', one of the concubines of the hajib 1 and de facto ruler Ibn Abi 'Amir, known as al- Mansur, was involved in the events that led to the civil war— ϔitna — that preceded the downfall of the Umayyad Caliphate in Iberia. As a slave, al- Dalfa' had borne her master a child, 'Abd al- Malik, granting her the status of umm al- walad — literally, the "mother of a child"— which legally improved her condition from the common form of concubinage. In 1002 al- Mansur died and 'Abd al- Malik, who would be later known as al- Muzaffar, followed his father's footsteps in the hijaba , whereas Caliph Hisham II was left with a merely symbolic role as ϐigurehead of the caliphate. During 'Abd al- Malik's rule al- Dalfa' inϐluenced some of his decisions, and after his death, in controversial circumstances, she plotted to overthrow and kill 'Abd al- Rahman Sanchuelo, al- Muzaffar's half- brother, who had taken 'Abd al- Malik's position, as Sanchuelo was suspected of having orchestrated 'Abd al- Malik's death. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article studies the approach of Islamic legal thought to the idea of a Caliphate. The author explains the fundamental principles of the Islamic concept of the state as an instrument for defending and maintaining religion and dealing with worldly affairs. Modern Islamic thought, considering historical evolution of Islamic statehood under the influence of objective political circumstances, came to the key conclusion that an Islamic state is not restricted to a unified Caliphate (the Caliphate on the way of the prophecy). Other models of power are quite admissible if they meet the aims of the Caliphate. ; В статье исследуется подход исламской правовой мысли к идее халифата. Автор разъясняет основные принципы исламской концепции государства как инструмента защиты и поддержания религии, а также решения мирских дел. Современная исламская мысль, принимая во внимание историческую эволюцию исламской государственности под влиянием объективных политических обстоятельств, пришла к ключевому выводу – исламское государство не ограничено объединенным халифатом (халифатом на пророческом пути). Другие модели власти вполне приемлемы, если они соответствуют целям халифата.