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ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES IMPERIL THE LIBERTARIAN UTOPIA OF A SOCIETY IN WHICH THE INDIVIDUAL IS COMPLETELY SOVEREIGN OVER HIS OR HER PRIVATE DOMAIN. TAKEN SERIOUSLY, THIS ASPIRATION WOULD LEAD TO AN ENVIRONMENTALISM SO EXTREME THAT IT WOULD PRECLUDE HUMAN LIFE, SINCE MOST HUMAN ACTIVITY ENTAILS INCURSIONS AGAINST THE SOVEREIGN REALMS OF OTHER HUMAN BEINGS. THE FALLBACK POSITION MANY LIBERTARIANS HAVE ADOPTED - FREE-MARKET ENVIRONMENTALISM - RETREATS FROM LIBERTARIAN IDEALS BY PERMITTING SOME OF THE PHYSICAL AGGRESSION OF POLLUTION TO CONTINUE. FREE-MARKET ENVIRONMENTALISM DOES EMBODY THE POSTLIBERTARIAN INSIGHT THAT COLLECTIVE DECISIONS IN MASS DEMOCRACIES TEND TO BE INFERIOR TO INDIVIDUAL DECISIONS IN MARKET ECONOMIES. BUT SO FAR, FREE-MARKET ENVIRONMENTALISM HAS STOPPED SHORT OF CARRYING THIS INSIGHT TO ITS LOGICAL CONCLUSION BY PROPOSING THE COMPLETE DEPOLITICIZATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING. A THOUGHT EXPERIMENT IN ENVIRONMENTALISM. THE UPSHOT IS THAT NEITHER LIBERTARIANISM NOR FREE-MARKET ENVIRONMENTALISM CAN CULMINATE IN ANYTHING CLOSE TO THE ABOLITION OF THE MODERN STATE; THEY CAN,M HOWEVER, BY PROBLEMATIZING CERTAIN ASPECTS OF THAT STATE, ALLOW US A CLEARER UNDERSTANDING OF POLITICAL AND CULTURAL LIFE.

In this article, one of America's top labor leaders discusses the reasons organized labor is in politics and the way it operates. The article outlines briefly the history of la bor in politics and the changes in its philosophy over the years. It discusses the need for political action on the part of labor, stating frankly that "organized labor could not possibly stay out of politics," for labor's collective bargaining responsibili ties and its political responsibilities "are indivisible." The au thor cites the record of huge contributions of millions of dollars by a few wealthy families to political parties and candidates and points out that in 1956, "with all of labor's work and effort, twelve wealthy families spent more money than all of organized labor managed to raise during the entire election campaign." The three phases of labor activity in political action—registra tion, education, and exercise of the right of free speech—are discussed thoroughly. In concluding, the author gives a bold and frank answer to the question: "What does labor expect in return for its political support? What does labor want?"

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- WAYS IN TO THE TEXT -- Who Was Henry Hans J. Morgenthau? -- What Does Politics Among Nations Say? -- Why Does Politics Among Nations Matter? -- SECTION 1: INFLUENCES -- Module 1: The Author and the Historical Context -- Module 2: Academic Context -- Module 3: The Problem -- Module 4: The Author's Contribution -- SECTION 2: IDEAS -- Module 5: Main Ideas -- Module 6: Secondary Ideas -- Module 7: Achievement -- Module 8: Place in the Author's Work -- SECTION 3: IMPACT -- Module 9: The First Responses -- Module 10: The Evolving Debate -- Module 11: Impact and Influence Today -- Module 12: Where Next? -- Glossary of Terms -- People Mentioned in the Text -- Works Cited

"Personality, Politics, and Religion" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Comparative Analysis in African Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- 1. Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation -- 2. The First Steps -- 3. The Struggle with the Communists, 1943-48 -- 4. Labour and the CCF, 1947-53 -- 5. The Merger -- 6. The New Party -- 7. Obstacles to Political Action -- 8. The Future of Labour in Politics -- Index