Suchergebnisse

One of the most important weak points of the Hungarian higher education (just like the Central European higher education system) in the communist era was the extremely low access rate, roughly around 10% of the age group in the region. Such a system cuts the way before a large percentage of the age group towards post-secondary education and we cannot help thinking about political considerations of the governing nomenclature behind it. In some countries of the region the situation could be qualified even anticonstitutional since the respective constitutions stipulated: Each citizen, having graduated from the secondary education system has the right to enter the post-secondary education in a filiere appropriately chosen according to his or her capacities. Beyond this bottleneck at the access to higher education another common characteristic of the region higher education system were the inappropriate, if existing, links between education and economy. This bad relationship is especially dangerous in a period of rapid economical and social changes of the society. Regardless of the direction of the changes, the accelerated evolution of the society necessitates a high level of adaptability of the education and training system. Traditional higher education systems with their long cycle courses - Iet alone the sometimes obsolete curricula - are not able to satisfy the rapidly appearing needs of the new economical system. ln the same time on the traditional fields the good performance of the higher educational systems was weIl known. This gave the false justification for the higher education institutions to preserve their structure, profile, curricula, etc.

AbstractAs educational institutions negotiate numerous challenges resulting from the current pandemic, many are beginning to wonder what the future of education may look like. We contribute to this conversation by arguing for flexible education and considering how it can support better—more equitable, just, accessible, empowering, imaginative—educational futures. At a time of historical disorder and uncertainty, we argue that what we need is a sort of radical flexibility as a way to create life-sustaining education, not just for some, but for all, and not just for now, but far into the future. We argue that such an approach is relational, and centers justice and trust. Furthermore, we note that radical flexibility is systemic and hopeful, and requires wide-ranging changes in practices in addition to the application of new technologies.

Given the decentralization & opening-up that People's Republic of China has been experiencing since 1979, the rise of corruption & the criminal economy can be attributed to the increased opportunities observable at the macroeconomic level & to a context of relative impunity for the most serious offenses. Functionalist & culturalist interpretations of this corruption fail to take account of its political dimension, which is not simply a matter of its instrumentalization in the struggle between ruling factions. Contrary to the situation prevailing in certain democratic developing countries, criminals in China do not have the option of becoming state representatives, but certain state representatives, notably at local level, are well placed to make choices to the advantage of criminal circles, as happens in Mexico, & so share in the illicit gains. 1 Photograph. Adapted from the source document.

Imperialism represents a new strategy for the reproduction of capitalism, under conditions of domination by monopoly capital. It is largely a defensive reaction to proletarian gains in power. It has produced conditions of exploitation in the Third World, which are objectively favorable to socialism. The local bourgeoisies in the Third World were antiimperialist initially, but now, having gained a place in the international division of labor, have become proimperialist. Imperialism in the twentieth century has gone through a series of crises, leaving the Third World countries with problems which cannot be solved within the framework of world capitalism. Economistic readings of Marxism misinterpret this situation, seeing socialism simply as state collectivism, when in fact the two are incompatible; state collectivism is the natural heir of capitalism. W. H. Stoddard.