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"Illuminating a significant moment in the development of both American and feminist philosophical history, this study explores the experience and work of the women of the early American idealist movement. Beginning in St. Louis, Missouri in 1858, it became more influential as women joined and contributed to its development. Many of these women were pioneers in education and were expanding women's role in it as teachers and scholars. Some were also ardent feminists. Chief among them were Susan E. Blow, Anna C. Brackett, Grace C. Bibb, Ellen M. Mitchell, Lucia Ames Mead, Caroline E. Sherman, and May Wright Sewall. Providing new insights into the work of the core group of women thinkers, this volume includes new information about women who became associated with the movement as it expanded and developed offshoots in other parts of the nation. This includes the origins of the philosophical-idealist roots of their pacifist thought and activism, apparent in their writings and speeches, and the neo-Hegelian movement."--

The rise of authoritarianism and exclusionary nationalism has shown a critical need to teach students how to build, maintain and participate in democratic communities. This requires students to understand how authoritarianism and nationalism exclude people and perspectives in communities. While inclusionary nationalism can create an identity that unites people, we focus upon the divisive form of nationalism that is exclusionary. This article first describes the context for critical education for democracy in the face of authoritarianism and nationalism. We follow with a conceptual analysis of critical education for democracy. This involves the ways that students can identify antidemocratic discourses in order to promote democratic discourses. The model that we present relies upon student discourse analysis and elements of greeting, rhetoric and narrative for increasing inclusion in democratic communities. We conclude with illustrations of classroom inquiries, discussions and deliberations that can build student understanding of authoritarianism, nationalism and democracy.

Small Island Developing States (SIDS) are very different to other developing countries. Relative to GDP they have the highest levels of foreign trade and aid receipts of all developing countries. Remittances from abroad are a far more important source of income for SIDS, and some depend very heavily on export revenues. The quality of governance varies tremendously among SIDS, they are over-represented among countries classified as fragile states and many are prone to state failure. These and other factors combine to make SIDS highly vulnerable to external economic shocks. Achieving development in SIDS is as a consequence an especially complex task that requires an understanding of the roles played by aid, trade, remittances and governance in these countries. This paper looks at these issues, along with providing various stylized facts about SIDS.

Given the decentralization & opening-up that People's Republic of China has been experiencing since 1979, the rise of corruption & the criminal economy can be attributed to the increased opportunities observable at the macroeconomic level & to a context of relative impunity for the most serious offenses. Functionalist & culturalist interpretations of this corruption fail to take account of its political dimension, which is not simply a matter of its instrumentalization in the struggle between ruling factions. Contrary to the situation prevailing in certain democratic developing countries, criminals in China do not have the option of becoming state representatives, but certain state representatives, notably at local level, are well placed to make choices to the advantage of criminal circles, as happens in Mexico, & so share in the illicit gains. 1 Photograph. Adapted from the source document.

Imperialism represents a new strategy for the reproduction of capitalism, under conditions of domination by monopoly capital. It is largely a defensive reaction to proletarian gains in power. It has produced conditions of exploitation in the Third World, which are objectively favorable to socialism. The local bourgeoisies in the Third World were antiimperialist initially, but now, having gained a place in the international division of labor, have become proimperialist. Imperialism in the twentieth century has gone through a series of crises, leaving the Third World countries with problems which cannot be solved within the framework of world capitalism. Economistic readings of Marxism misinterpret this situation, seeing socialism simply as state collectivism, when in fact the two are incompatible; state collectivism is the natural heir of capitalism. W. H. Stoddard.

Examines why economic change has taken a different course in each country.