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The nature of the conflict between the United States and Cuba has clearly been changing since the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe. Deprived of foreign communist subsidies, Cuba has been forced to begin economic reform. Yet, the United States has retained its embargo against Cuba. Does the long-standing embargo violate international law? In an attempt to answer that question, this Note examines the status of a norm prohibiting the unilateral use of economic coercion and whether there has been any post-Cold War movement toward such a norm. Over the past thirty years, despite several notable United Nations resolutions, developing nations failed to establish a clear norm prohibiting economic coercion. Cuba has attempted to parlay international anger into world condemnation of alleged U.S. economic coercion in the wake of U.S. passage of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, which impacts third party states while clamping down on Cuba. Indeed, from 1992 to 1994 the U.N. General Assembly overwhelmingly passed several resolutions critical of the United States. However, analysis of the text of the resolutions and the positions of individual voting members reveals that there has been little or no movement toward a norm prohibiting the use of economic coercion. Still, there has been increasing pressure on U.S. policymakers to ease the embargo. Quite simply, as Castro has begun economic reform, U.S. businesses are growing tired of watching their international competitors snap up potentially lucrative opportunities in Cuba. The lesson appears to be that, in the post-Cold War era, underdeveloped nations stand to benefit much more from free trade than from the futile pursuit of international legal norms concerning economic coercion.

1. Introduction -- 2. Humanitarian Supply Chains in COVID-19 Era -- 3. Crossing Borders in the COVID-19 Lockdown Process: Vaccine Diplomacy -- 4. Fiscal Space and Climate Change in the Post-COVID-19 Pandemic: Double Crises of SIDS -- 5. the International Trade Agenda of the Pandemic: Systematic Evaluation of the Global Trade Crisis in the Post-COVID-19 Era -- 6. Anti- Immigration Rhetoric of Far-Right Movements in the COVID-19 Era -- 7. Borders in the Post-Pandemic World Order -- 8. The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Tackling COVID-19 -- 9. COVID-19 Pandemic in Africa: Global Uncertainty and Security Quests -- 10. Post-Pandemic Economies Development Perspective in Countries of the South Caucasus: Comparative Analysis -- 11. COVID-19 and the Political Economy of Depending Socio-Economic Inequalities -- 12. Optimistic Outlook on the Impact of COVID-19 -- On Higher Education -- 13. Digital Diplomacy: As A Strategy of Global Crisis Management During the Time of COVID-19 -- 14. Xenophobia, Racism, and Populism in the COVID-19 Era -- 15. Concerns About Civod-19 in the Eyes of Respondents: Example from Poland -- 16. Branding in the Pandemic: the "Cool Japan" Strategy -- 17. Impact of COVID-19 On Greenhouse Gas Emission in OECD Countries: K-Mean Method -- 18. Re-Thinking International Migration in Terms of Vulnerability: A Critical Overview of the COVID-19 Pandemic.

Cover -- Contents -- List of figures, tables and boxes -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- 1 Analytic eclecticism -- Paradigms and research traditions -- What analytic eclecticism is and does -- Recognizing analytic eclecticism -- 2 Eclecticism, pragmatism, and paradigms in international relations -- The limits of the inter-paradigm debate -- What eclecticism can contribute -- Analytic eclecticism and the pragmatist turn -- 3 War and peace, security and insecurity -- Robert Jervis, American Foreign Policy in a New Era (2005) -- Martha Finnemore, The Purpose of Intervention (2003) -- Etel Solingen, Nuclear Logics (2007) -- T. V. Paul, The Tradition of Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons (2009) -- David Kang, China Rising (2007) -- Conclusion -- 4 Global political economy -- Leonard Seabrooke, The Social Sources of Financial Power (2006) -- Timothy Sinclair, The New Masters of Capital (2005) -- CorneliaWoll, Firm Interests (2008) -- Nicolas Jabko, Playing the Market (2006) -- Richard Stubbs, Rethinking Asia's Economic Miracle (2005) -- Conclusion -- 5 Order and governance, regional and global -- Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World (2004) -- Benjamin Schiff, Building the International Criminal Court (2008) -- Ian Hurd, After Anarchy (2007) -- Frank Schimmelfennig, The EU, NATO and the Integration of Europe (2003) -- Alice Ba, [Re]Negotiating East and Southeast Asia (2009) -- Conclusion -- 6 Conclusion -- Lessons from eclectic scholarship -- The risks, trade-offs, and promise of analytic eclecticism -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Der jährliche Marktwert auf Pflanzen basierender Arzneimittel wird auf mehr als 43 Mrd. USD festgelegt. Nach Schätzungen gibt es ca. 500.000 Pflanzen, die näher erforscht werden könnten. Wissen von indigenen Völkern kann die Trefferquote geeigneter Rohstoffe signifikant erhöhen. Hierzu gibt es unterschiedliche Wissenskonzepte: In Indien und China bewertet man traditionelles Wissen, das über Generationen weitergegeben wird und das Kulturgut der Völker ist, als öffentliches Gut. So kann heute jeder auf das Wissen um beispielsweise Yoga oder traditionelle chinesische Medizin zugreifen. Demgegenüber besteht die Problematik, wenn noch nicht veröffentlichtes traditionelles Wissen – z.B. um die Wirkweise einer Pflanze – ungefragt verwendet wird. Die derzeit gültigen Rechtsinstrumente werden dem Anspruch traditionelles Wissen in allen Facetten zu schützen nicht gerecht. Die Verwendung dieses Wissens ist international nicht einheitlich geregelt und kann für Unternehmen zu rechtlichen Problemen sowie Imageproblemen führen. Indigene Völker haben ein Recht auf eine gleichheitliche und vernünftige Eigentumsordnung. Es sind daher Maßnahmen einzuleiten, um rechtliche Sicherheit herbeizuführen und um die Attraktivität der Erforschung des Wissens zu gewährleisten. The annual market value of on plant-based drugs is estimated at 43 billion USD. As to rough estimations there are 500.000 plants that could be explored in detail. Knowledge of indigenous peoples can increase significantly the rate to find adequate raw materials for the discovery and development of new drugs. The existing law does not protect traditional knowledge properly and the issue is handled differently in each country. This can lead to legal problems for companies. Hence, measures should be taken that lead to legal security and that make the research of this knowledge attractive. Der jährliche Marktwert auf Pflanzen basierender Arzneimittel wird auf mehr als 43 Mrd. USD festgelegt. Nach Schätzungen gibt es ca. 500.000 Pflanzen, die näher erforscht werden könnten. Wissen von indigenen Völkern kann die Trefferquote geeigneter Rohstoffe signifikant erhöhen. Die derzeit gültigen Rechtsinstrumente werden dem Anspruch traditionelles Wissen in allen Facetten zu schützen nicht gerecht und sind international unterschiedlich. Dies kann für Unternehmen zu rechtlichen Problemen führen. Es sind daher Maßnahmen einzuleiten, um rechtliche Sicherheit herbeizuführen und um die Attraktivität der Erforschung des Wissens zu gewährleisten. Sonja Dölling studierte Internationale Betriebswirtschaftslehre an der Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg sowie an der American University in Washington D.C., USA. Sie ist als Führungskraft berufstätig im Produktmanagement und Lieferantenmanagement. Sonja Dölling schloss ihre Promotion 2014 bei Professor Karl Albrecht Schachtschneider ab. Ferner qualifizierte sie sich zum Systemischen Coach und Change Manager und absolvierte eine Trainerausbildung.

International relations scholarship concerns dyads, yet standard modeling approaches fail to adequately capture the data generating process behind dyadic events and processes. As a result, they suffer from biased coefficients and poorly calibrated standard errors. We show how a regression-based approach, the Additive and Multiplicative Effects (AME) model, can be used to account for the inherent dependencies in dyadic data and glean substantive insights in the interrelations between actors. First, we conduct a simulation to highlight how the model captures dependencies and show that accounting for these processes improves our ability to conduct inference on dyadic data. Second, we compare the AME model to approaches used in three prominent studies from recent international relations scholarship. For each study, we find that compared to AME, the modeling approach used performs notably worse at capturing the data generating process. Further, conventional methods misstate the effect of key variables and the uncertainty in these effects. Finally, AME outperforms standard approaches in terms of out-of-sample fit. In sum, our work shows the consequences of failing to take the dependencies inherent to dyadic data seriously. Most importantly, by better modeling the data generating process underlying political phenomena, the AME framework improves scholars' ability to conduct inferential analyses on dyadic data.

This study aims to assess how Russia's relations with South Africa have changed since the end of the Cold War. The study draws on social constructivism as a theoretical framework to show that the ideals and beliefs of the Russian Federation as a great power have not disappeared with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The West seeks to set the terms of Russia's engagement in international relations, but Russia is certain about its belief in taking its rightful place in global affairs. The study argues that Africa provides a source of economic expansion for Russia. Moreover, South Africa, as a significant economic and political actor in the continent that subscribes to similar ideals, can help Russia to reassert its status as a major world power. The study traces voting patterns of Russia and South Africa within the UN Security Council, and discusses opportunities in the BRICS forum (spanning four continents) for bilateral economic engagement. Collaboration with South Africa in the Security Council and in BRICS, it is argued, helps Russia to assume a more global role, and also ascribes a level of international prestige to both Moscow and Pretoria. The dissertation concludes that economic and geopolitical necessity is the main reason for changing relations between Russia and South Africa since the Soviet era.

This thesis is about providing a general understanding of French foreign policy since the end of the Second World War as suggested by the existing literature on soft power, military interventions, and the promotion of democracy. Even though France came out of the war very weakened, the country over the years has found ways to remain influential on the international scene. France's preference for diplomacy, its reliance on an international institution such as Francophonie, its readiness to intervene militarily when needed, and its support to the promotion of democracy internationally, have all work to preserve France's standing as a middle power. Our analysis, which expands on three aspects of France's foreign policy behavior, seeks additionally to elucidate liberal and rational components of the French policies. The assessment of French foreign policy through diverse case studies confirms, not only the existing literature on the variation of resources associated to soft power, but also the notion that national security interests play a major part in determining French military interventions including the ones portrayed as humanitarian interventions. While each of the aspects analyzed only offer an elementary appreciation of the rather complex French foreign policy, the work provided here can very well serve as an initial general survey of French foreign policy since the end of the Second World War.

This essay studies the manipulation of food aid to South Sudan, and its interplay with US politics: the US is the major donor of relief aid to Sudan, and at the same time it appears as one of Khartoum's major opponents on the international scene. This essay argues that humanitarian aid, and especially food aid, is not a substitute for political action, but that it has become the main channel of the US's Sudan policy for the past ten years. Torn between its conflicting economic, political, geo-strategic, and moral imperatives, the US has had to adopt a difficult strategy: supporting the rebels, but not openly, and not enough to enable them to win the war. In this situation, humanitarian aid, with its reputation of neutrality and its moral appeal concealing a fundamental vulnerability to all sorts of manipulation, is a very efficient tool. Food aid is especially useful: it directly counteracts Khartoum's strategy (starving the South into submission) and directly helps the rebel movement and army in a number of ways (bringing them resources, as well as domestic and international legitimacy). Food aid also has the crucial advantage of fitting perfectly into western prejudices about Africa – a starving continent dependent on the West – so that no one thinks about questioning the underlying motives of US relief aid to Sudan.