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"Since the 19th century the idea of an international history of humanity has influenced policy makers and activists alike. Focusing on the promises and problems, successes and failures of the concept, Visions of Humanity addresses the growing interest in historical ideas and actions targeting international and global audiences in the name of common values, rights, and concerns. Through an international set of contributions, which explore the spaces, materials, actors, and mediations of and on humanity, this volume applies both an historical and cultural lens to the tensions and struggles involved in constructing, invoking, and instrumentalizing the "we" of humanity"--

"This book offers a diverse set of perspectives on the current state of Taiwan's economy and international relations, equally considering the challenges and opportunities that could forge Taiwan's future. Featuring a range of interdisciplinary approaches, this edited volume has been written by some of the leading scholars on Taiwan's economy and international relations, as well as emerging scholars and writers with practical diplomatic, political and civil society experience. Contributors cover themes from political economy and international relations to gender studies and civil society-led LGBT diplomacy. Readers will benefit from chapters outlining both the historical overview of Taiwan's development and more recent developments, with several chapters offering focused case studies into Taiwan's economy and international space. A balanced set of conclusions are reached, affording scope for both optimism and pessimism about Taiwan's prospects. Taiwan's Economic and Diplomatic Challenges and Opportunities will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, economics and Taiwan studies"--

The article examines the proposals and recommendations formulated by three international financial and cooperation organizations (OFyCIs) for lower secondary education (ESB), an emerging educational level in educational research. It is assumed that the lower secondary school is promoted by the OFyCI as a functional subsidiary to upper secondary education (high secondary education), reoriented and aligned toward the capitalist economy, but forgoing a critical and comprehensive development of adolescents. The discourse of the OFyCI on the compulsory nature of secondary education constitutes frames of reference that serve to reproduce their economic, political and social interests, within a context marked by educational segmentation and lack of definition of educational levels. ; O artigo examina as propostas e as recomendações que têm formulado três organismos financeiros e de cooperação internacional (OFyCI) para a educação secundária baixa (ESB), nível educativo emergente na investigação educativa. Parte-se do suposto de que a secundária baixa é promovida pelos OFyCI como uma eslabão funcional e subsidiario da educação média superior (educação secundária alta), quem têm reorientado e alinhado o conhecimento convertido em motor da economia capitalista, soslayando uma formação crítica e integral dos adolescentes. As ideias e os discursos educativos dos OFyCI sobre a obligatoriedad da educação secundária, constituem os marcos de referência que servem para reproduzir e reconstruir o entendimento de seus interesses económicos, políticos e sociais, num contexto marcado pela segmentação e indefinición do nível educativo.

In this article, the author analyzes some of the key questions to understand today's complicated international panorama. Does the United States exercise at an international level, during the first decade of the 21st Century, a hegemonic function or of control?, Can it keep negotiating the differences and conflicts following the rules sanctioned by today's international laws?, or, on the contrary, is it necessary to adjust the rules of the game at a national and world level and modify them substantially? Within this context, the author searches for the reasons that account for the loss of North American hegemony and its substitution by the control exercised at the international level. He approaches as well the economic and political role and of other countries and their impact on the international scene within the actual frames of economic and political crisis in a large part of the world. Adapted from the source document.

The article treats various problems of boundaries between the new states of the former Yugoslavia. International law shows that boundaries are a very important subject in political relationships between states. The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia & international recognition of the new states on its territory have opened the question of boundaries. The international community has clearly defined its position; ie, it laid down the criteria & manner in which these problems should be solved. Croatia accepted the method of resolving matters of external & international boundaries of the former SFRY according to the principles of international law. The article shows processes, principles, & problems of defining & establishing the boundary between the two republics of ex-Yugoslavia: Croatia & Slovenia. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by John Baylis, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens [Eds], The Globalization of World Politics ([(4th edn)] Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

"The rise of emerging or new powers has recently become one of the most researched areas in International Relations. While most studies focus on relations between traditional and emerging powers, this edited collection turns the focus 180 degrees and asks how countries outside these two power sets have reacted to the emerging new world order. Are emerging powers creating a united front in a struggle to change the global order, or are they more concerned with national interests? Are we seeing major changes in the global order, or simply an adjustment by the traditional powers to the emergence of new contenders? In order to the answer these questions, the authors take a broad thematic approach in analyzing recent trends in the interplay between states, markets and societies, concentrating in particular on Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Europe, and on the three major emerging powers: China, India and Brazil"--

Les relations entre l'Europe et Taiwan présente une configuration tout à fait particulière compte tenu du statut international spécifique de l'île depuis 1971. Influencées par de nombreux facteurs régionaux et globaux, parmi lesquels on doit faire figurer l'état des rapports entre la Chine et l'île, mais aussi des relations entre l'Union européenne et la Chine et entre les États-Unis et la Chine, voire entre l'Union européenne et les États-Unis, elles font la part belle à la diplomatie informelle et aux relations économiques, culturelles et scientifiques. Après le rappel de quelques éléments du contexte historique, économique, international et institutionnel qui caractérise Taiwan, l'ouvrage analyse successivement l'état des relations de Taiwan et de l'Union Européenne, l'impact des relations triangulaires Taiwan-Chine-Europe et Taiwan-États-Unis-Chine, la question spécifique du commerce des armes et enfin les évolutions perceptibles dans la politique européenne en Asie Orientale et l'impact potentiel de l'Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement sur celle-ci

Die Arbeit gründet auf der Annahme, Rechtshilfe sei integraler Teil der Strafrechtspflege in Gestalt eines »international-arbeitsteiligen Strafverfahrens«. Damit müssten die Regeln des Strafprozesses Anwendung finden. Der Autor unterteilt diese in prozessunabhängige und innerprozessuale Schranken der Hoheitsgewalt; erstere schützten das Individuum per se und müssten in dem Staat, der einen Eingriff unmittelbar vornimmt, grundsätzlich Bestand haben. Umgekehrt seien innerprozessuale Schranken auf die weitere Entwicklung des Prozesses bezogene (vorweggenommene) Schranken der Wahrheitsfindung und deshalb dem Recht des verfahrensführenden Staates zu entnehmen. Damit lasse sich eine ausdifferenzierte Konkretisierung des »individualrechtlichen Benachteiligungsverbots« in der Rechtshilfe unmittelbar aus dem innerstaatlichen Prozessrecht ableiten. Die gegenseitige Anerkennung von strafrechtlichen Entscheidungen in der EU könne die so skizzierte Wahrung der Verfahrensbalance nicht sicherstellen. / »Reason and Limits of Transnational Criminal Justice« -- Judicial cooperation in criminal matters constitutes a single, collaborative criminal procedure. Based on this and on »the rationale that the international division of labour in prosecuting crimes must not be to the detriment of the apprehended person« (ICTR), the rights of this individual are to be deduced directly from the criminal procedure law of the States involved. The author infers conclusions for specific procedural measures and relates them to the EU principle of mutual recognition

Es werden die Herausforderungen der EG und EFTA für eine engere Kooperation mit den osteuropäischen Staaten und mögliche Formen der Zusammenarbeit erörtert

How does political accountability in democracies affect leaders' incentives for international cooperation? We consider how term limits should affect international environmental agreement (IEA) participation. Pursuing environmental protection as a public good coincides with the political survival incentives of democratic leaders. Term limits decouple leaders' policy priorities from their political survival incentives, discouraging IEA participation. However, prioritization of environmental concerns increases with economic development. As such, the effect of term limits on IEA participation should be strongest in rich democracies. We test these arguments using data from the International Environmental Agreements Database from 1970 to 2011. Democratic leaders, particularly in rich democracies, sign fewer IEAs when freed from the reelection motive. We also consider the potential that term limits could favor IEA participation if doing so aligns with a leader's preferences. This potential should be greatest in poor democracies where citizens place less emphasis on environmental protection, though we find little evidence for this expectation. The findings have important implications for understanding the determinants of IEA participation and the political accountability–international cooperation relationship. Whereas some argue that electoral incentives that cause leaders to favor present over future concerns undermine environmental cooperation, our results suggest that political accountability in democracies can promote treaty participation.