On the 14th February 2017 the process of reforming the legal status of animals in the Civil Code began in the Spanish Parliament. This also included corresponding amendments in the Mortgage Law and in the Civil Procedure Rules, which aimed at changing the consideration of animals as living beings endowed with sensibility instead of as things. Before the formalities of approving the reform were completed, it was interrupted by the call for General Elections on the 28th April 2019, causing a halt to the necessary de-objectification of animals in the civil field and is now in a period of uncertainty and expectations for a reform that still remains necessary. ; El 14 de febrero de 2017 se dio inició en el Parlamento español al proceso de reforma del estatuto jurídico de los animales en el CC, la Ley Hipotecaria y la Ley de Enjuiciamiento Civil, destinada a transformar la condición de los animales de cosas a seres vivos dotados de sensibilidad. A falta de pocos trámites para su aprobación, la convocatoria de Elecciones Generales el 28 de abril de 2019, ha interrumpido esta necesaria Descosificación de los animales en el ámbito civil y ha abierto una etapa de incógnitas y de expectativas para una reforma que sigue siendo necesaria.
Los riesgos que afectan el litoral como la erosión de playas, la inundación y la contaminación marina se pueden ver agravados por los efectos del cambio climático. Tener mecanismos de respuesta adecuados requiere un sistema de planeamiento integrado, multinivel, holístico, multi-riesgo. El objetivo de esta investigación, dentro del Proyecto Pairis-Clima, es analizar el sistema de planeamiento para hacer frente a los riesgos que afectan al litoral catalán y evaluar la integración del cambio climático. Los resultados apuntan a una planificación de la prevención y de la emergencia de los riesgos fragmentada y poco coordinada en diferentes niveles institucionales y sectoriales. La componente del cambio climático le añade complejidad a la cuestión. Todavía ausente en la planificación de la emergencia, se encuentra de manera explícita pero sólo a nivel formal en la normativa costera, mientras que en la planificación hidrológica y en la evaluación ambiental estratégica los avances parecen más significativos. Actualmente dos leyes catalanas en redacción, la del cambio climático y de litoral abren nuevas expectativas para mejorar en este campo. ; Those risks affecting our coasts such as beach erosion, flooding and marine pollution can be aggravated by climate change. Having adequate response mechanisms requires an integrated, holistic, multi-risk planning system. It should incorporate different phases of risk management, from prevention to emergency, with the participation of a wide range of authorities. This research aims to analyze the statutory planning system to cope with risks affecting the Catalan coast (northwestern of the Mediterranean Basin) and evaluate the level of integration of climate change in this legislation. The results show a fragmentation and a poor coordination between the prevention planning and the emergency planning and the different institutional and sectoral levels. The component of climate change adds complexity to the issue at stake. Still absent in emergency planning , it is explicitly but only on a formal level in the coastal legislation, while in the water planning and strategic environmental assessment advances seem more significant. Currently two Catalan laws in elaboration, the climate change law and coastal planning law generate new expectations to improve in this field. ; Proyecto PaiRisClima (CGL2014-55387-R) financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad. Gobierno Español.
Los juristas tendemos a explicar la homogenización del Derecho europeo como un proceso de «armonización » de los ordenamientos nacionales conforme al nuevo paradigma supranacional, proceso que a la vez crea y desarrolla esa misma identidad jurídica común. En este artículo, sin embargo, se argumentará que el fundamento de la armonización no es tanto la interacción y la libre «puesta en común» de los distintos sistemas jurídicos europeos, como la exposición de estos a la influencia no solo de las tendencias legislativas estadounidenses, sino también del discurso jurídico angloamericano y las implicaciones de política-criminal que éste conlleva, que con frecuencia son ajenas, cuando no contrarias, a las que se extraen de los principios de la dogmática penal europea. De este proceso de influencia, que seria simplista calificar como mero «imperialismo jurídico», el Derecho penal económico es un gran ejemplo. Se analizarán cuatro de las más importantes áreas del Derecho penal económico como ejemplos evidentes de recepción de una iconografía político-criminal tomada directamente de la legislación estadounidense: 1) las normas penales de protección del mercado 2) la legislación anticorrupción y contra el lavado de dinero 3) el gobierno corporativo 4) la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas. Como conclusión, se resaltará la evidente necesidad de una reflexión en torno al papel de la Ciencia penal europea como instrumento para hacer frente a la también evidente inexistencia en de un programa político-criminal propio ; Legal scholars tend to explain the homogenization of European law as a process of «harmonization» of the domestic legal systems in accordance to the new supranational paradigm, process that at the same time creates and develops a common legal identity. However, in this paper we will argue that the main foundation of harmonization is not the interaction and free «sharing» process between the different European legal systems, but rather their exposure to the influence of the United States legislative trends, as well as the Anglo-American legal discourse and its implications for criminal policy matters, that sometimes have not much to do with those traditionally inferred from European legal theory, when they are not directly contradictory. Economic criminal law is a good instance of this process of influence that we consider too complex to be just labelled as «legal imperialism». Four main areas of economic crime will be analysed as obvious examples of reception of a criminal-policy iconography directly taken from U.S. legislation: 1) criminal laws aimed at protecting the market 2) anticorruption and money laundering legislation 3) corporate governance 4) criminal liability of legal persons. As a conclusion, we will highlight the evident need to rethink the role of the European criminal law Science to face the also evident lack of a European criminal policy agenda
In: Politics & gender: the journal of the Women and Politics Research Section of the American Political Science Association, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 495-523
In: Der Überblick: Zeitschrift für ökumenische Begegnung und internationale Zusammenarbeit ; Quartalsschrift des Kirchlichen Entwicklungsdienstes, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 59-63
The paper presents a critical discussion of the CJEU judgment in the JZ case (C 806/18), in which the Court interpreted Article 11 of Directive 2008/115 that regulates entry ban issuance. The author asks a question of whether an entry ban as a measure limiting the right to free movement has a moral and legal ground in international law and EU law. Moreover, the author focuses on the problem of the criminalisation of irregular migration – both in the context of the established line of the Court's case law and in the case of a vague national law standard that penalizes illegal stays – the possibility to apply the criminal law concept of error in law and thus exclusion of criminal liability of an illegal migrant. ; anna.kosinska1@usz.edu.pl ; Anna Magdalena Kosińska is an Associated Professor at the University of Szczecin, Poland. ; University of Szczecin, Poland ; Ad Hoc Query on 2020.81 Umbrella Inform – Covid-19 and Return – Part 2 (REG Practitioners and NCPs). Requested by COM on 21 December 2020. ; Bosworth M., Human Rights and Immigration Detention in the United Kingdom, (in:) M.B. Dembour, T. Kelly (eds.), Are Human Rights for Migrants? Critical Reflections on the Status of Irregular Migrants in Europe and the United States, London 2011. ; Carens J.H., The Ethics of Immigration, New York 2013. ; Chetail V., International Migration Law, Oxford 2019. ; Chin G.J., Illegal Entry as Crime, Deportation as Punishment: Immigration Status and the Criminal Process, "UCLA Law Review" 2011, https://www.uclalawreview.org/illegal-entry-as-crime-deportation-as-punishment-immigration-status-and-the-crim[inal-process/. ; Crosby A., The Political Potential of the Return Directive, "Laws" 2014, no. 3. ; di Molfetta E., Brouwer J., Unravelling the 'Crimmigration Knot': Penal Subjectivities, Punishment and the Censure Machine, "Criminology & Criminal Justice" 2020, vol. 20, no 3. ; Eule T.G., Borrelli L.M., Lindberg A., Wyss A., Migrants Before the Law. Contested Migration Control in Europe, London and Basingstoke 2019. ; European Migration Network (EMN), The Effectiveness of Return in EU Member States. Synthesis Report for the EMN Focussed Study, 2017, https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/what-we-do/networks/european_migration_network/reports_en. ; Grant S., The Recognition of Migrants' Rights within the UN Human Rights System: the first 60 years, (in:) M.B. Dembour, T. Kelly (eds.), Are Human Rights for Migrants? Critical Reflections on the Status of Irregular Migrants in Europe and the United States, London 2011. ; Grey C., Justice and Authority in Immigration Law, Oxford and Portland, OR 2017. ; Kolankiewicz M., Sager M., Clandestine Migration Facilitation and Border Spectacle: Criminalisation, Solidarity, Contestations, "Mobilities" 2012, vol. 16, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17450101.2021.1888628. ; Koronawirus a więzienia. Skargi do RPO – na brak środków ochrony, nieprzestrzeganie zaleceń sanitarnych, dostęp do badań, https://www.rpo.gov.pl/pl/content/koronawirus-a-wiezienia-skargi-rpo-od-osadzonych-i-rodzin. ; Kox M., Boone M., The Pains of Being Unauthorized in the Netherlands, "Punishment & Society" 2020, vol. 22, no. 4. ; Miller D., Strangers in Our Midst, The Political Philosophy of Immigration, Cambridge, MA 2016. ; Motomura H., Immigration Outside the Law, New York 2014. ; Pahladsingh A., The Legal Requirements of the Entry Ban: The Role of National Courts and Dialogue with the Court of Justice of the European Union, (in:) M. Moraru, G. Cornelisse, Ph. De Bruycker (eds.), Law and the Judicial Dialogue on the Return of Irregular Migrants from the European Union, Oxford 2020. ; Sanchez G., Achilli L., Stranded: The Impacts of COVID-19 on Irregular Migration and Migrant Smuggling, "Policy Briefs" 2020, no. 20. ; Strąk M., Polityka Unii Europejskiej w zakresie powrotów. Aspekty prawne, Warsaw 2019. ; Stumpf J.P., The Process is the Punishment in Crimmigration Law, (in:) K. Franko Aas, M. Bosworth (eds.), The Borders of Punishment. Migration, Citizenship, and Social Exclusion, Oxford 2013. ; Szklanna A., Ochrona prawna cudzoziemca w wietle orzecznictwa Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka, Warsaw 2010. ; Tsoukala A., Turning Immigrants into Security Threats: A Multi – Faceted Process, (in:) G. Lazardis (ed.), Security, Insecurity and Migration in Europe, London 2016. ; Waasdorp J., Pahladsingh A., Expulsion or Imprisonment? Criminal Law Sanctions for Breaching an Entry Ban in the Light of Crimmigration Law, "Bergen Journal of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice" 2019, vol. 4, no 2. ; Weissbrodt D., Divine M., International human rights of migrant, (in:) B. Opekin, R. Perruchoud, J. Redpath-Cross (eds.), Foundations of International Migration Law, Cambridge 2012. ; Zedner L., Is the Criminal Law Only for Citizens? A Problem at the Borders of Punishment, (in:) K. Franko Aas, M. Bosworth (eds.), The Borders of Punishment. Migration, Citizenship, and Social Exclusion, Oxford 2013. ; 26 ; 6 ; 207 ; 224
The article deals with the problem of the of Habsburg heritage in the Second Polish Republic (II Rzeczpospolita) in the sphere of local political administration. Generally, the scholars are interpreting the history of the interwar Galicia as a "nationalization" of a post-imperial public space, and as a place where conflicting national narratives had successfully replaced the Habsburg traditions and practices, particularly in the field of policy. Without denying the achievements of the described historiographical approaches, in our opinion, another methodological perspective is relevant today – we have to define, classify and explain the preservation of Habsburg heritage in the Second Polish Republic after 1918. Thus, this article is an attempt to discover the motives, separate the components and explain the significance of the imperial heritage that was present in the local administrations of four provinces – "voivodeships", that existed on the territory of the former Habsburg province of Galicia – the voivodeships of Krakow, Lviv, Stanislaviv (now – Ivano-Frankivsk) and Ternopil. The main thesis of the article is focused on the analysis of the structure of Habsburg power models after 1918 under the design of unified power system of the Second Polish Republic; on the other hand, special focus is paid to a comparative analysis of the status of Galician governor and the Polish voivode.Analysis of the legal framework of the Polish State indicates two important things. Firstly, the imperial government and general administration of the second instance ("voivodeship") were based on a common model, the main components of which can be expressed in three principles: the principle of personal responsibility of the head of the administration, the principle of supreme control subjects on the administrative unit and the principle of immediate intervention in resonant cases. Secondly, the author analyzes the status of administration of four "Galician" voivodeships. Despite the aim of unification and a number of laws and regulations acts that were declared by Polish politicians and officials, it continued to be governed by separate regulations (mainly Ordinance 1921), which preserved the elements of Habsburg system.During the comparative analysis of the legal status of Galician and Polish governors, author strongly focuses on the relationship of their public status, and the reliance of the Franz Joseph's management style – the concept of a "strong hand". Like the models of the Habsburg official, governor and "voivode" granted solely responsible for the welfare and safety of the citizens. Their policies were expressed in paternalistic care and supervision of the subjects of the institutions and bodies with a marked predominance of representative and self-governing bodies, so that the total administration in Galicia was very similar to the political administration of Habsburg period. In authors opinion, the explanation of Habsburg successful adaptation of the system to the all management model can be understood through two main factors. First, the models of governship in both States were based on so-called theory of cameralism, that had its roots in the Age of lightenment. According to this theory, only a strong ruler, who would use the law and special officials could be effective in providing prosperity to his country and citizens. Secondly, it is necessary to consider the significant impact Galician lawyers, mainly the students of the Austrian school of law (especially Roman Hausner and Wladyslaw Leopold Jaworski) who had influence in the process of forming a unified system of the interwar Polish State.In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the change of political boundaries do not necessarily mean further successive transformations in State policy. The control system in the public space of the interwar Galicia continued to appeal to the Habsburg imperial model of so called "strong hand", that was based on the responsibility of the leader, and his supreme supervision that can be seen in the best way, if we look on the cases and material of local administrations of the voivodeships. ; У статті розглянуто роль габсбурзької моделі влади у публічному просторі міжвоєнної Галичини. На підставі аналізу законодавчих актів, тогочасної публіцистики й преси окреслено головні елементи імперської системи управління на рівні місцевої адміністрації південно-східних воєводств (краківського, львівського, станіславівського й тернопільського) Польської держави, розкрито мотиви та значення такої наслідуваності (характеристика структури габсбурзької системи влади на законодавчому рівні до і після 1918 року). Окрему увагу приділено порівняльній характеристиці публічних становищ галицького намісника та польського воєводи. Виділено ключові принципи функціонування влади на воєводському рівні, зокрема персональної відповідальності, верховного контролю у межах адміністративно-територіальної одиниці, негайного втручання керівника у резонансні справи.
Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I: Introduction -- Chapter 1: The Status of Women Leaders in South Korea: Challenges and Opportunities -- Review of the Literature -- Women Leaders -- Women's Leadership -- Feminist Leadership -- Gender Differences in Leadership -- Women's Participation in the Labor Market -- Status of Women Leaders in Diverse Sectors -- Political Sector -- Government Administration and Legal Sector -- Education Sector -- Public Corporations -- Private Corporations -- Women Leaders' Challenges -- Gender Inequality -- Token Status -- Limited Behavior Patterns -- Work-Life Balance and Career Interruptions -- Opportunities for Women Leaders -- Conclusion -- References -- Part II: Barriers and Challenges -- Chapter 2: Korean Women in Leadership: Family Roles -- The Meaning of Family in Korea -- Women's Role in Society -- Challenges and Hopes for the Future -- My Story -- References -- Chapter 3: Overcoming Cultural Constraints: Essential to Korean Women's Leadership Success in Korea -- Cultural Beliefs -- How Cultural Beliefs Are Ingrained -- What Role Do Ingrained Beliefs Play in the Gender Gap? -- Path to Overcoming Cultural Constraints -- Paradigm Shift in Thinking -- Paradigm Shift in Learning from Conceptual to Transformative -- Integration of Paradigm Shifts in Thinking and Learning -- Dwell in Possibility -- Recommendations for Future Research -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: A New Perspective on Korean Women Leaders' Career Development -- Cultural Forces Affecting Korean Women's Careers -- Korean Women Leaders' Career Orientation -- Raising Awareness of Chance or Happenstance in the Korean Context -- A New Perspective on Korean Women Leaders' Career Development -- Conclusion -- References -- Part III: Signs of Hope
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Abstract In refugee matters concerning sexual orientation, 'discretion' reasoning is as commonplace as it is unlawful. In its 2013 ruling in X, Y, and Z, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) declared that it was unreasonable to expect that asylum seekers should conceal their sexual orientation by being 'discreet' in order to avoid persecution, and that such a requirement in domestic refugee status determination procedures would be incompatible with European Union (EU) law. However, this did not put an end to the matter. Discretion reasoning still forms part of the process to determine refugee status in many EU countries. This article examines the persistence of discretion reasoning, using Austria as an example. It argues that, whilst the CJEU definitively banned such reasoning, the court failed to give any indication as to how decision makers should proceed from this point. X, Y, and Z has thus created a legal vacuum, and there is a risk that normative sociocultural concepts like heteronormativity will be applied in such cases. Indeed, despite the CJEU ruling, it is still common in many societies to expect that LGBTIQ people be discreet. As such, decision makers may find themselves imposing a discretion requirement, even if unconsciously. The main aim of the article is to assess the resulting persistence of discretion reasoning through the lens of heteronormativity, and to provide practical suggestions for assessing refugee status in a way that ensures discretion is no longer required.
Since the early twentieth century, children have been regarded as a protected class, legally and symbolically, in the United States. Although legal protections for U.S. children have also extended to non-citizen children, this study investigates whether the symbolic aspect of children's protected status is undermined in the case of immigrant children. Through an examination of media reports during the 2014 entrance of unaccompanied minors from Central America and Mexico, I analyze how anti-immigrant protestors portrayed unaccompanied minors in quotes published in news articles across several online historical databases including ProQuest Historical Newspaper and the Local Historical Newspaper Archives by NewsBank. Based on this analysis, I find that the symbolic protected status normally attributed to children did not extend to unaccompanied minors. Specifically, anti-immigrant protestors mobilized forms of racialization typically employed against immigrant adults, which took four distinct forms that framed immigrant children as: (1) threats to the economy, (2) carriers of disease, (3) criminal and terrorist threats, and (4) invaders. Despite belonging to a vulnerable and normally protected group, immigrant children were racialized in ways well-established by scholars as characteristic of adult migrants by anti-immigrant protestors, who portrayed them as unsacred children unworthy of a protected status. This study contributes to our understandings of child and immigrant racialization and further contextualizes policies of detention and deportation against immigrant children.