Suchergebnisse

"Introduction" -- "The Devil in the Madhouse" -- "Gustave Boissarie, Jean-Martin Charcot and Sigmund Freud" -- "Prophecies of Pilgrimage" -- "Medical and Mystical Opinion in British Catholicism" -- "Disenchanted America" -- "The Mad Saint as Healer" -- "Experiencing Religion and Medicine" -- "A Question of Competence and Authority" -- "Bibliography" -- "Index" -- "Contributors

AbstractDoes religion motivate and intensify nationalism, or does religion moderate and even suppress nationalism? Six kinds of relationships between nationalism and religion are critically reviewed: nationalism as a modern religion in competition with traditional religions; religious origins of the "Chosen People" as the mythomoteur of nationalism; religious exclusion as nation-building; religious influences on national policies; influence of religious observance on national identification; and religiously based "civilizations" transcending nationalisms. Western Christian experience with nationalism is not generalizable due to the institutional autonomy and supranational organization of the Catholic Church. Western European nationalisms were premised on religious sectarian homogeneity, and the homogenous "confessional state" served as the template of European nation-states. Furthermore, I argue that the late medieval eradication of Muslims and Jews across Western Europe prefigured sectarian and ethnonational purges of the following centuries. Finally, I argue that different configurations of religion and nationalism depend on two critical conditions: the degree to which the dominant religious tradition is doctrinally supraethnic and institutionally transnational, and the religious identity of the main adversary in the constitutive conflict that culminated in national statehood. The crises of Marxism and liberalism provide the context for the resurgence of religion and nationalism at present.

At a moment when 'freedom of religion' rhetoric fuels public debate, it is easy to assume that sex and religion have faced each other in pitched battle throughout modern U.S. history. Yet, by tracking the nation's changing religious and sexual landscapes over the twentieth century, this text challenges that zero-sum account of sexuality locked in a struggle with religion. It shows that religion played a central role in the history of sexuality in the United States, shaping sexual politics, communities, and identities.

This book argues that neither theories of secularisation nor theories of lived religion offer satisfactory accounts of religion and social change. Drawing from Deleuze and Gauttari's idea of the assemblage, Paul-Francois Tremlett outlines an alternative.Informed by classical and contemporary theories of religion as well as empirical case studies and ethnography conducted in Manila and London, this book re-frames religion as spatially organised flows. Foregrounding the agency of hon-human actors, it offers a compelling and original account of religion and social change.

Die vorliegende Arbeit rekonstruiert Veränderungen in der strukturellen Verankerung und der bildungspolitischen Programmatik von Religionsunterricht im algerischen Bildungssystem von 1962-2010. Wichtigste Quellen sind rechtliche Texte zum Bildungssystem und zur politischen Ausrichtung des algerischen Staates. Theoretischer Ausgangspunkt der Arbeit ist die insbesondere seit den 1980er Jahren geäußerte Kritik an Analysen zum Verhältnis von Staat und Religion in der Moderne. Als ein für die Untersuchung geeigneter alternativer Erklärungsansatz für die sogenannte Säkularisierungsthese erweist sich die systemtheoretische Perspektive von Niklas Luhmann, die die Frage nach der Bedeutung von Religion in modernen Gesellschaften auf die Problematik von Religion in öffentlichen Bildungssystemen zuzuspitzen vermag. Die Rekonstruktion der curricularen Verankerung von Religionsunterricht setzt bei dem Zeitpunkt des Unabhängigwerdens Algeriens ein und führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass religiöse Bildung in den Anfangsjahren (1962-1969) kontrovers diskutiert wird. Zugleich wird rekonstruiert, inwiefern ein separates konfessionelles Bildungswesen ("enseignement originel") auf- und zunehmend ausgebaut und damit eine Kompensation zum fast laizistischen Bildungswesen geschaffen wird. Ausgehend von der Frage, welche Auswirkungen die erste algerische Bildungsreform (1969-1985) auf die Verankerung von Religionsunterricht im öffentlichen Bildungswesen hatte, kann nachgewiesen werden, dass die Ziele der Reform (Arabisierung, Demokratisierung und wissen-schaftlich-technische Ausrichtung) einander widersprachen und das parallele religiöse Bildungs-wesen in Frage stellten. Seine Assimilation an das staatliche Bildungswesen begünstigte die Auflösung des religiösen Bildungswesens, so eine in der Arbeit belegte These. Die Rekonstruktion der weiteren Entwicklung ab Mitte der 1980er Jahre verdeutlicht die gesell-schaftlich steigende Bedeutung, aber auch die zunehmende politische Instrumentalisierung des Islam und die sich deshalb wandelnde Position des Religionsunterrichtes. Das im Zuge der Auflösung des "enseignement originel" gegebene Versprechen, die Tradierung religiöser Kenntnisse im öffentlichen Bildungswesen sicherzustellen, wird mit der Einführung eines obligatorischen Islamunterrichtes eingelöst. Warum die zweite algerische Bildungsreform (seit 2000) kaum noch Auswirkungen auf den staatlichen Religionsunterricht hatte, wird im letzten Teil an Hand einer Diskursanalyse aufgezeigt. ; The present thesis reconstructs changes in the structural embodiment and the educational policy's contents of religious instruction in the Algerian educational system between 1962 and 2010. Principal sources are legal texts on the educational system and on the political orientation of the Algerian state. The theoretical starting point of the thesis is the criticism – particularly expressed since the 1980s – of the analysis on the relationship between the state and religion in modern times. The theoretical perspective of Niklas Luhmann proves to be a suitable alternative disposition of explanation for the so-called "secularization thesis". This perspective is able to bring the issue of the importance of religion in modern societies to the problem of religion in public educational systems. The reconstruction of the embodiment of religion in curricula starts at the time of Algeria's independence and results in the fact that religious education is controversially discussed in the first years after independence (1962 – 1969). At the same time, it is being reconstructed to what extent a separate confessional educational system ("enseignement originel") is built and progressively extended and, thus, a compensation for the nearly non-religious educational system is created. Starting from the question which implications the first Algerian educational reform (1969 – 1985) had on the embodiment of religious instruction in the public educational system it can be proved that the objectives of the reform (arabization, democratization and scientific-technological orientation) were in themselves contradictory and that they put in doubt the parallel religious educational system. The assimilation of the latter into the public educational system favored the dissolution of the religious educational system – this is one of the assertions shown in this thesis. The reconstruction of the further development starting in the middle of the 1980s demonstrates the socially increasing importance but also the increasing political application of Islam and, thus, the changing position of religious instruction. The promise given in the course of dissolving the "enseignement originel" to guarantee to incorporate religious knowledge in the public educational system is fulfilled with the introduction of obligatory Islamic lessons. Why the second Algerian educational reform (since 2000) practically had no effects on the public religious instruction is shown in the last part by means of a discourse analysis.

This book examines "Taylorean social theory," its sources, main characteristics and impact. Charles Taylor's meta-narrative of secularization in the West, prominently contained in his major work A Secular Age (2007), has brought new insight on the social and cultural factors that intervened in such process, the role of human agency, and particularly on the contemporary conditions of belief in North America and Europe. This study discusses what Taylor's approach has brought to the scholarly debate on Western secularization, which has been carried on mostly in sociological terms. McKenzie interprets Taylor's views in a way that offers an original social theory. Such interpretation is possible with the help of sociologist Margaret Archer's "morphogenetic theory" and by making the most of Taylor's particular understanding of the method of the social sciences and of his philosophical views on human beings, knowledge and modernity. After exploring the philosophical and sociological sources informing Taylorean social theory and proposing its basic concepts and hermeneutic guidelines, the author compares it with two widespread theories of secularization: the now waning "orthodox" account and that proposed by Rational Choice Theory scholars, particularly prevalent in the United States. In doing so, the book shows in which ways Taylorean social theory supersedes them, what new issues it brings into the scholarly discussion, and what difficulties might limit its future development

Questions concerning the presence of religion in the public space of France are today particularly valid. The attempts to answer questions about the appropriateness of the current solutions cannot be given up in the face of European crisis concerning the issue of immigration. The concept of secularism currently implemented in France is in fact often explained with reference to the requirements of integration policy and the needs and pressure from various religious groups. Regarding the current changes, seen often, and not without a reason, as a threat to public order, the discussion should start with the revision of concepts, often mistakenly understood, that have defined the areas of religion since the entry into force of the Act of 9 December 1905. The research of these issue requires a juxtaposition of the present and a historical situation. Such a comparison highlights any new elements that are associated with the phenomenon, which can be described as an act of distorting the consciousness of societies of the Western world. In the light of this situation the essential differences between religions should be also taken into account; those on which the creators of regulations from 1905 focused and those which in Western Europe today play an increasingly important role in the consequences of migration. The same rules that apply to Christianity cannot be applied to them because often they take on the theocratic concepts and do not accept the distinction between the sacred and the profane. ; Il s'agit d'une interrogation qui inquiète beaucoup, car - et le constat est déjà ancien - la sécularisation de la société française a livré une conception de la laïcité soumise à la fois aux politiques d'intégration et bousculée par les diversités religieuses. ; Pytania dotyczące obecności religii w przestrzeni publicznej Francji należą dziś do szczególnie aktualnych. Wobec europejskiego kryzysu imigracyjnego nie można rezygnować z prób udzielenia odpowiedzi o adekwatność stosowanych dziś rozwiązań. Współcześnie realizowana we Francji koncepcja laickości wyjaśniana jest bowiem często z odwołaniem się do wymogów polityki integracji oraz potrzeb i nacisków różnych grup religijnych. Wobec dokonujących się zmian, postrzeganych często i nie bez podstaw jako zagrożenie dla porządku publicznego, należałoby rozpocząć od zrewidowania pojęć, często mylnie rozumianych, które od wejścia w życie ustawy z 9 grudnia 1905 roku określają obszary wytyczone dla religii. Dotycząca tych kwestii praca badawcza wymaga konfrontacji sytuacji historycznej ze współczesnością. Takie porównanie pozwala na uwypuklenie elementów stanowiących nowość, związanych ze zjawiskiem, które można określić jako wypaczanie świadomości społeczeństw świata zachodniego. W celu naświetlenia tej sytuacji należy wziąć również pod uwagę najistotniejsze różnice istniejące pomiędzy religiami, na których koncentrowali się twórcy unormowań z 1905 roku oraz tymi, które w Europie Zachodniej odgrywają dziś coraz większą rolę w konsekwencji ruchów migracyjnych. Należy przede wszystkim podkreślić małą adekwatność stosowania do nich tych samych reguł, które odnosi się do chrześcijaństwa. Przyjmują one bowiem często koncepcje teokratyczne i nie akceptują rozróżnienia sfery sacrum i profanum.

Defence date: 26 January 2017 ; Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Nilüfer Göle, EHESS; Professor Şahin Alpay, Bahçeşehir University (Emeritus); Professor Donatella della Porta, fomerly EUI/SNS ; Freedom of religion has been a delicate issue since the foundation of the Turkish Republic, despite the principle of secularism stated in the country's constitution since 1937. This is especially evident in considering the status of non-Muslim minorities. After decades marked by assaults aimed at the non-Muslims of Turkey and confiscation of properties belonging to their communities, several reform packages were adopted by the Turkish government in order better to secure their religious freedoms. Recent developments signaled a change may be underway with regard to state's approach to religion in general, and non-Muslims in particular. Despite the growing body of literature focusing on the recent democratization process in Turkey, only a few studies found the case of non-Muslims worthy of including in their analysis, as they are often perceived to be insignificant due to their small share among the general population. In accounting for recent developments visible in various fields such as civilmilitary relations, Kurdish issue and religion-state relations, a vast majority scholarship has perceived the European Union accession process as the main anchor of this democratization process. Considering, however, that the recasting of freedom of religion has continued even after the stagnation of EU conditionality, alternative explanations must be explored. I argue that the recent process of recasting the parameters of religious freedoms can be solely explained by neither the role of EU conditionality nor the reading of developments through separate alternative models. Though recent years have witnessed several significant attempts combining various models in explaining the democratization process, no analysis to date has paid particular attention to religion and religious preferences, and I believe this leads to an insufficient understanding of recent developments in relation to freedom of religion. In order to gain a comprehensive perspective, I have adopted an analytically eclectic approach benefitting from External Incentives, Social Learning and Lesson Drawing models and demonstrated how together they have interactively shaped the parameters of freedom of religion throughout different time periods in the Turkish state. I have employed a within-casecomparison methodology of three time periods (1999-2005/ 2005-2010/ 2011-2015), embracing a process-tracing method. Taking the results generated by applying these models to the context in Turkey, I contend that EU conditionality was the initial motive behind the reform process in the first time period analyzed, while growth of social dynamics has been observed only during the second period. Finally, the lesson drawing model, aka the AKP's preferences, have played a decisive role throughout all of the time periods examined.

Provides background information and analysis on issues related to religion and violence. Covers important individuals, historical events, groups and practices, theories, movements and processes, causes and effects connected to religious-driven violence.