Suchergebnisse

Chez les Modernes, il était fréquent qu'un intérêt pour les exercices ou arts de la pensée soit intimement lié à une conception de la philosophie comme formation de l'individu pour lui-même. L'éthique pouvait alors être comprise comme consistant en une telle formation, et le développement d'un art des concepts, l'exercice du jugement ou le raffinement du caractère à l'aide des arts libéraux pouvaient être conçus comme différents aspects de l'activité esthétique en un sens large. Puis la philosophie s'est scindée en plusieurs disciplines, si bien que nous distinguons aujourd'hui les différents domaines que sont l'éthique, l'esthétique, la politique, la théorie de la connaissance, la théorie du langage ou la métaphysique, par exemple. Il s'agira dans ce mémoire de montrer que le courant moderne pour lequel l'éthique et l'esthétique sont intimement liées se poursuit toujours aujourd'hui, et de trouver à exercer une pratique artistique, plutôt que théorique, de la philosophie, dans la perspective d'une réflexion sur les rapports du développement d'une telle pratique avec la formation de l'individu pour lui-même et à partir des Jeux de concepts de Gilbert Boss, une oeuvre philosophique sur ordinateur. La conception originale de la liberté rendue possible par le déploiement d'un ensemble de jeux de concepts permettra de montrer comment celle-ci peut mener à l'élaboration d'un projet de société ainsi qu'à un renouveau de notre rapport à la philosophie.

Recent research on democratisation has highlighted the importance of religious actors in shaping political development. Scholars argue that the nature of state–religion relations could impact political activism of these actors. Comparing two of the largest Muslim countries in Asia, Indonesia and Pakistan, the objective of this article is to understand their post-authoritarian divergent political trajectories through an examination of their state–religion relations. Based on the comparative analysis of the institutional relationship and political theology, the article concludes that Indonesia and Pakistan differ in their respective patterns of state–religion relations, whereas the 'respect-all' model of Indonesia's state–religion relations, characterised by mutual respect and accommodation between political authorities and religious institutions, helps consolidate its democracy by constructing institutional independence, its moderate political theology also embraces democratic values and pluralism. In contrast, Pakistan's integrated state–religion relations, the absence of a 'respect-all' model, and its commitment to traditional political theology aimed at establishing an Islamic state pose challenges to its democratisation efforts. Drawing implications for peacebuilding and security, Indonesia's state–religion relations could offer a potential model for Muslim democracy in South Asia and beyond.

AbstractThis article presents a cross-country empirical analysis of the relationship between religion and political attitudes among the Catholic and Muslim publics, using the most recent data from the World Values Survey. We find that public support for democracy is stronger among the better educated in both the Catholic and Muslim countries. Contrary to the conventional belief that pious believers are less receptive to democracy, individual religiosity, measured by belief in God, is found to have a significant positive impact on desire for democracy in both types of society. Our findings further indicate that at the societal level, overt support for democracy is consistently positively correlated to the attachment of a set of more implicit tolerant civil values in Catholic-majority countries, while exactly the opposite is observed in Muslim-majority countries.

In this paper, the author explores ethnic relations in Mesopotamia and syncretism in Sumerian religion in the light of political and religious conflicts, and divine democracy.

"This book was produced as part of the PriMED Project (Prevention and Interaction in the Trans-Mediterranean area), funded in Italy by the Ministry of University and Research (MUR). The title of the book, which refers to the complex relationship between the right to religious freedom and security, immediately discloses the assumptions on which the work is based. In recent decades, and particularly since September 2001, the right to religious freedom, which has always been widely protected due to its centrality in the processes of the development of the human self, has come up against a significant challenge in terms of security, or rather in the subjectively and publicly perceived feelings of insecurity. These concepts of security (here understood as public order in the substantive sense), safety and orderly civil life, are in fact being increasingly used by legal systems to limit religious freedom and are seen as an objective to which all States must aspire, even to the extent of placing restrictions on fundamental freedoms, both inside and outside the borders of Europe. The chapters reveal the importance of avoiding simplistic conclusions and unfounded prejudices about religious freedom, and of limiting restrictive or repressive interventions to situations of genuine danger"--

The presidency of George W. Bush has polarized the church-state debate as never before. The Far Right has been emboldened to use religion to govern, while the Far Left has redoubled its efforts to evict religion from public life entirely. Fewer people on the Right seem to respect the church-state separation, and fewer people on the Left seem to respect religion itself--still less its free exercise in any situation that is not absolutely private. In The Last Freedom, Joseph Viteritti argues that there is a basic tension between religion and democracy because religion often rejects com

The presidency of George W. Bush has polarized the church-state debate as never before. The Far Right has been emboldened to use religion to govern, while the Far Left has redoubled its efforts to evict religion from public life entirely. Fewer people on the Right seem to respect the church-state separation, and fewer people on the Left seem to respect religion itself--still less its free exercise in any situation that is not absolutely private. In The Last Freedom, Joseph Viteritti argues that there is a basic tension between religion and democracy because religion often rejects compromise as.

This collection focuses on right-wing nationalism, populism, and religion, both theoretically and empirically, with an emphasis on the following countries: Australia, India, Italy, Turkey, and the USA. Although not the same thing, nationalism and populism are said to be closely linked. Nationalists, like populists, may claim that there is but one 'true religion' - that is, their own and their followers' - which helps focus their nationalist vision. They bring religion and culture into their arguments to encourage political changes in their favour. Nationalists may identify and target those they see as 'enemies of the people', said to be a serious threat to fulfilment of a nationalist future free from culturally 'alien' influences. While linking nationalism with religion is not new, what is more novel is the connecting of religion, nationalism, and populism. The contributions to this collection explore these issues theoretically, conceptually, and empirically.

This article analyzes the normative regulation of the relation between religion and national minorities in the legal and political system of Serbia. The analysis of religion and national minorities in the legal and political system of Serbia includes four, mutually linked, groups of issues. The first includes issues of normative regulation of the very notion of national minorities and religion, as well as religion as an element of national minority identity. This article's second field of interest is made up of issues of normative regulation of religion in the political participation of national minorities. The third group of issues are those pertaining to religion and the cultural autonomy of national minorities, as a specific method of national minority participation in the public affairs of the Republic of Serbia. The issue of the range of application of minority rights in the regulation of the establishment and functioning of churches and religious communities is the fourth group of issues observed. It will be noticed that religion is considered, among other characteristics, in the legal and political system of Serbia, the very essence of what makes a social group a national minority and can be the sole element of differentiation and determination of a national minority. The influence and importance of religion as an element of national minority identity is more pronounced and direct in the sphere of national minority cultural autonomy, then in view of their political participation.

Estudio crítico de autenticidad, sobre la crisis de la identidad estadounidense, que no se limita a un problema formal-coyuntural de adaptación, sino sustancial-fundacional de naturaleza y continuidad: qué es ser estadounidense actualmente y cómo se relaciona con el medio social y natural. Su pionero metámero de integración social fue su "religión civil estadounidense"-ACR (fruto de su "secularización moderna" y su "Teología política", anticipándose a la nación decimonónica, también en crisis hoy), que fuera distorsionada vía "velos de confusión" (durante las "guerras culturales") y completamente deconstruida por los "Estudios culturales sobrevenidos" (en la globalización). Así se ha generado la "paradoja posmoderna estadounidense" (APP), con su "amenaza transoccidental" y su "TecnoEvo" en curso (¿pueden los EE.UU. dejar de ser el líder del Occidente tradicional y reformular otro a conveniencia?). Para comprender la ontología, epistemología y axiología referidas, se realiza un diagnóstico sobre la deconstrucción de su ACR y el pronóstico desnaturalizador estadounidense si se consolida APP. ; This is a critical study of authenticity, on the American identitity crisis, which is not limited to a formal-eventual problem of adaptation; it is a substantial-foundational trouble of nature and continuity: what is it to be American today and how does the American relate to the social and natural environment. The pioneer metamer of social integration was the American civil religion-ACR (as part of its modern secularization and political Theology, previewly to nation notion in the 19th century, in crisis too), which was tangled by veils of confusion (during the cultural wars) and completely deconstructed by the overcoming Cultural Studies (in globalization). The result was the American post-modern paradox (APP), with its trans-Western threat and its ongoing Techno-Evo (can the US let the leadership of the traditional West and to reformulate another suitable?). To understand the referred ontology, epistemology and axiology, it offers a diagnosis about the ACR deconstruction and a prognosis about the American denaturalization if APP is implanted. ; peerReviewed