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IntroductionResearch on disparities in health and health care has demonstrated that social, economic, and political factors are key drivers of poor health outcomes. Yet the role of such structural forces on health and health care has been incorporated unevenly into medical training. The framework of structural competency offers a paradigm for training health professionals to recognize and respond to the impact of upstream, structural factors on patient health and health care.MethodsWe report on a brief, interprofessional structural competency curriculum implemented in 32 distinct instances between 2015 and 2017 throughout the San Francisco Bay Area. In consultation with medical and interprofessional education experts, we developed open-ended, written-response surveys to qualitatively evaluate this curriculum's impact on participants. Qualitative data from 15 iterations were analyzed via directed thematic analysis, coding language, and concepts to identify key themes.ResultsThree core themes emerged from analysis of participants' comments. First, participants valued the curriculum's focus on the application of the structural competency framework in real-world clinical, community, and policy contexts. Second, participants with clinical experience (residents, fellows, and faculty) reported that the curriculum helped them reframe how they thought about patients. Third, participants reported feeling reconnected to their original motivations for entering the health professions.DiscussionThis structural competency curriculum fills a gap in health professional education by equipping learners to understand and respond to the role that social, economic, and political structural factors play in patient and community health.

"Damani J. Partridge explores citizenship and exclusion in Germany since the fall of the Berlin Wall. That event seemed to usher in a new era of universal freedom, but post-reunification transformations of German society have in fact produced noncitizens: non-white and "foreign" Germans who are simultaneously portrayed as part of the nation and excluded from full citizenship. Partridge considers the situation of Vietnamese guest workers "left behind" in the former East Germany; images of hypersexualized black bodies reproduced in popular culture and intimate relationships; and debates about the use of the headscarf by Muslim students and teachers. In these and other cases, which regularly provoke violence against those perceived to be different, he shows that German national and European projects are complicit in the production of distinctly European noncitizens"--Provided by publisher

In Subsahara-Afrika führen mittlerweile fast alle Staaten Mehrparteienwahlen durch. Doch nach wie vor bleiben viele dieser Abstimmungen hinter normativen Standards zurück. Oft dominiert der Eindruck, Wahlen in Afrika seien vor allem ein Deckmantel für autoritäre Herrschaft und überdies besonders gewaltanfällig. Konkrete Erfahrungen wie zuletzt 2010 in der Elfenbeinküste oder 2011 in der DR Kongo scheinen dieses Bild zu bestätigen. Andererseits setzen multidimensionale Friedensmissionen weiterhin auf Wahlen als wichtigen Schritt zur Konsolidierung nach bewaffneten Konflikten. Außerdem haben auch defizitäre Wahlen in Afrika durchaus das Potential, die Demokratisierung eines Landes voranzutreiben. Welche Trends lassen sich hier tatsächlich feststellen, und welche Konsequenzen ergeben sich daraus für internationale Akteure?

Diese Studie untersucht die 46 Parlaments- und Präsidentschaftswahlen, die zwischen Anfang 2010 bis Mitte 2012 in 29 afrikanischen Staaten stattfanden. Dabei zeigen sich sehr unterschiedliche Entwicklungslinien. Wird nach einem politischen Umbruch zum ersten oder zweiten Mal gewählt, ist die Situation der betreffenden Länder – wie in der Elfenbeinküste – meist fragil. Ein gemischtes Bild bietet sich dagegen bei Ländern mit einer größeren Wahlkontinuität. Hier halten sich positive Tendenzen (wie in Sambia oder Tansania) in etwa die Waage mit problematischen Entwicklungen (wie im Tschad oder in Äthiopien). Hinzu kommen Fälle wie Nigeria, wo die letzten Urnengänge zwar eine verbesserte Qualität aufwiesen, zugleich aber mit massiver Gewalt einhergingen. Wahlen haben also in Afrika sehr unterschiedliche Bedeutungen, werden aber in den meisten Ländern weiterhin stattfinden. Externe Akteure sollten deshalb keineswegs davon abrücken, Wahlen in Afrika zu begleiten. Wohl aber gilt es, vorhandene Instrumente stärker den jeweiligen Entwicklungssträngen anzupassen. (Autorenreferat)

Forced disappearances are a manifestation of the exacerbated violence that prevails in Mexico, as well as the necropolitics implemented by capitalism in its neoliberal phase. The tracking of clandestine graves has become a daily labor for mothers looking for their children. Due to the government's negligence and the lack of an efficient justice system, women have faced the need to create and self-manage search networks with the intention of finding their relatives. This paper analyzes the case of the Colectivo de Madres Buscadoras de Sonora (Searching Mothers' Collective of Sonora) with the objective of giving an account of the resistance processes undertaken by this group of women through self-organizational and collective schemes that claim new conceptions of politics opposed to traditional and hegemonic political notions. For this purpose, a qualitative research is presented based on the analysis of information gathered from journalistic articles and social networks. Secondly, a theoretical reflection is generated on the social and political panorama in which the collective is positioned with a view to analyzing the problem of structural violence and its expressive dimension. ; Las desapariciones forzadas son una manifestación de la violencia exacerbada que impera en México, así como de la impronta necropolítica agudizada bajo el capitalismo en su fase neoliberal. El rastreo de fosas clandestinas se ha convertido en una labor cotidiana de las madres que buscan a sus hijos. Frente a la inatención y negligencia del Estado, la prevalencia de la impunidad y la ineficacia de los mecanismos de impartición de justicia, las mujeres se han enfrentado a la necesidad de crear y autogestionar redes de búsqueda con la intención de encontrar a sus familiares. El presente artículo pretende examinar el caso del Colectivo de Madres Buscadoras de Sonora, con el objetivo de dar cuenta de los procesos de resistencia emprendidos por este grupo de mujeres a través de esquemas autoorganizativos y colectivos que reivindican nuevas prefiguraciones de "lo político" y se escinden de la política en su forma hegemónica e institucional. Para ello, se presenta una investigación cualitativa fundamentada en el análisis de información recabada de artículos periodísticos y redes sociales. En un segundo momento, se genera una reflexión teórica sobre el panorama social y político en el que se posiciona el colectivo, con el propósito de analizar la problemática de la violencia estructural y su dimensión expresiva.

The COVID-19 pandemic and the recent term of the United States President, Donald Trump, brought the term "fake news" to the attention of the broader community. Some jurisdictions have developed anti-fake news legislation, whilst others have used existing cybercrime legislation. A significant deficiency is the lack of a clear definition of fake news. Just because a person calls something "fake news" does not mean that it is indeed false. Especially during pandemics, the primary aim should be to have misinformation and disinformation removed quickly from the web rather than prosecute offenders. The most widely accepted international anti-cybercrime treaty is the Convention on Cybercrime developed by the Council of Europe, which is silent on fake news, the propagation of which may be a cybercrime. There is an Additional Protocol that deals with hate speech, which the authors consider to be a subset of fake news. Using examples from Southeast Asia, the paper develops a comprehensive definition of what constitutes fake news. It ensures that it covers the various flavours of fake news that have been adopted in various jurisdictions. Hate speech can be considered a subset of fake news and is defined as the publication or distribution of fake news with the intention to incite hatred or violence against ethnic, religious, political, and other groups in society. The paper proposes some offences, including those that should be applied to platform service providers. The recommendations could be easily adapted for inclusion in the Convention on Cybercrime or other regional conventions. Such an approach is desirable as cybercrime, including propagating fake news, is not a respecter of national borders, and has widespread deleterious effects.Using examples from Southeast Asia, the paper develops a comprehensive definition of what constitutes fake news. It ensures that it covers the various flavours of fake news that have been adopted in various jurisdictions. Hate speech can be considered a subset of fake news and is defined as the publication or distribution of fake news with the intention to incite hatred or violence against ethnic, religious, political, and other groups in society. The paper proposes some offences, including those that should be applied to platform service providers. The recommendations could be easily adapted for inclusion in the Convention on Cybercrime or other regional conventions. Such an approach is desirable as cybercrime, including propagating fake news, is not a respecter of national borders, and has widespread deleterious effects.

In this article, I analyze the relationship between the political actions of families of Honduran migrants victims of extreme violence in Mexico and the forms of joint and visible mobilization in the form of caravans that we have known since October 2018. For this porpuse, I gather the impressions about the displacemnt of Honduran migrants in the form of caravan that relatives of dissapeared and executed migrants in their way through México, before this type of mobilization, happened. Highlighting their experience as relatives of victims, I recover the imaginary they have built on "the road through Mexico," and I pay special attention to the role they give to armed groups linked to drug trafficking and migration policies in the violence against migrants. From this I investigate the way in which they have understood the mobilization in "caravans" as a strategy that can reduce the risks in Mexico but also as a political action to the extent that it points to the current migration management. Also, I analyze the link between these families and the people of the caravan based on the relationship between their claims for truth and justice and the dignified transit of migrants. ; En este artículo analizo la relación que existe entre el accionar político de las familias de personas migrantes hondureñas víctimas de violencia extrema en México y las formas de movilización conjunta y visible en forma de caravanas que conocimos desde octubre de 2018. Para ello, recojo las impresiones en torno a las caravanas que tienen las familias de migrantes desaparecidos y ejecutados en su paso por México antes del 2018. Destacando su experiencia como familiares de víctimas, recupero el imaginario que han construido sobre "el camino por México", resalto el papel que le dan a los grupos armados vinculados al tráfico de drogas y a las políticas migratorias en las violencias ejercidas contra las personas migrantes. A partir de esto, indago en la manera en la que han comprendido la movilización en "caravanas" como una estrategia que ayude a disminuir los riesgos existentes en México, pero también como una acción política en la medida en que apunta a la gestión migratoria actual. De igual forma, reflexiono sobre el vínculo que une a estas familias con las personas de la caravana a partir de la relación entre sus demandas de verdad y justicia por sus desaparecidos y muertos, y el tránsito digno de los migrantes.

The aim of this article is straightforward: to present two clarifications of Hannah- Arendt's seasoned political concept of natality and to conclude by positioning this new account of natality within the context of the climate crisis. In many ways, this concluding section, where natality is read as a form of historical emancipation, hinges on the degree to which I succeed in reframing existing conversations around natality. In the first instance I submit an 'earthly reading' of natality before turning to discuss the historical implications of this 're-earthed' natality as enacting a form of weak messianism akin to that of Walter Benjamin. Rethinking natality in this way, I present an account of Arendt's work as always already inclined towards the issues brought to light in the climate crisis. And so, while the forms of emancipation and redemption that I locate in natality may already be commonly read in natal actions, which break spontaneously into the world and recall the originality of appearance, I nevertheless contend that its political implications reach new grounds with the revisions that I offer in the body of my article. By way of conclusion, I join critical Anthropocene theorists in contending with the 'slow violence', 'willed racial blindness' and 'crises of the imagination' that the climate crisis elicits. This is the setting that sits behind my intervention into natality and, in turn, it is this setting that I suggest can be illuminated through the weak messianism of a 're-earthed' natality. Arguing for Arendt's latent consideration of the earth, I hope to expose the ruined fragments of the past that shape the present crisis and gesture towards their radical redemption. If I succeed in showing that natality can be used as a resource to rethink both the prehistory and the present of the climate crisis then I will have achieved a reorientation in thinking about Arendt's politics. Which is merely to say that I will have revealed concerns for the earth as intrinsic to natal actions and, in turn, their appearance as messianic disruptions on the earth. Prompted by the need to think critically about the historical appearance of the climate crisis whilst retaining, at the same time, the injunction to think expansively about future action – that is, as not determined exclusively by the violence of the climate crisis – this article defends a reconsideration of natality as a form of critical historical intervention. Formulating this reconstruction is then 'operationalised' in the concluding section where I invoke its revolutionary force in remapping the history of the climate crisis.

The aim of this paper is to analyse the shift of the representational and narrative paradigms of Holocaust memory in the Balkan films that belong to two genres – of melodrama and historicalfiction. The hybrid format positons the Holocaust (hi)stories – already caught between forgetting and remembrance – on the unstable ground between trauma and nostalgia; between history and memory; or facts and fiction. The "regained visibility of the Holocaust grant us access" to Balkan past and present and oblige us to investigate the convergence of the history and the memory into Holocaust master narrative of the Holocaust."Bringing the dark past to light" in cinema has manifold effect. First, the Balkan wave of Holocaustfilms, with its mixed generic performances, offers new answers to the traditional issues of, both, the ethics of memory and the ethics of representation. Second, the analysis of five films reveals that the trauma from the past – resisting the closure – has the potential to powerfully resonate in the present day political crises. Re-dressing the trauma of the past, the films present the future violence while fulfilling "the Holocaust dictum 'never forget'". Eventually, new representational paradigm gives consistency to the Balkan (hi)stories of the past and coherence to the identity in the present. ; The aim of this paper is to analyse the shift of the representational and narrative paradigms of Holocaust memory in the Balkan films that belong to two genres – of melodrama and historicalfiction. The hybrid format positons the Holocaust (hi)stories – already caught between forgetting and remembrance – on the unstable ground between trauma and nostalgia; between history and memory; or facts and fiction. The "regained visibility of the Holocaust grant us access" to Balkan past and present and oblige us to investigate the convergence of the history and the memory into Holocaust master narrative of the Holocaust."Bringing the dark past to light" in cinema has manifold effect. First, the Balkan wave of Holocaustfilms, with its mixed generic performances, offers new answers to the traditional issues of, both, the ethics of memory and the ethics of representation. Second, the analysis of five films reveals that the trauma from the past – resisting the closure – has the potential to powerfully resonate in the present day political crises. Re-dressing the trauma of the past, the films present the future violence while fulfilling "the Holocaust dictum 'never forget'". Eventually, new representational paradigm gives consistency to the Balkan (hi)stories of the past and coherence to the identity in the present.

At the onset of the twenty-first century, the US security state exemplifies the kind of militarized social control that has become a key buttress to a global regime of deepening inequalities, injustices and indignities. This study explores how three social movement groups, broadly from the Christian left, majority white and middle-class, resist the US security state by envisioning and enacting solidarity with the state's targets. Original data collection includes weeks of participant observation, forty-nine semi-structured interviews, fifty-four follow-up surveys, and an archive of hundreds of courtroom statements with three protest communities: 1) School of the Americas Watch, which seeks to close the military training facility at Ft. Benning, Georgia; 2) the Migrant Trail Walk, part of the US/Mexico border justice movement; and 3) Witness Against Torture, a grassroots effort to close the Guantánamo Bay Detention Center. I identify a political practice among these groups that I term solidarity witness by which these activists come to see, feel, and know injustices that do not most immediately impact them personally and then testify widely to the complex impacts of state violence. Solidarity witness is both performative and prefigurative. Through ritual protest and embodied, sometimes high-risk tactics, these activists expand the sphere of politics while nurturing internal cultures of opposition. Their mode of resistance reveals the importance of affect, embodiment and morality in social movement mobilization.While the groups in this study do intend to change state policies and institutions, their chances for melioristic reform have appeared to be small in practice. Their acts of ethical witness in the public sphere and principled refusal in close community instead highlight the limitations of policy change under a global, neoliberal security complex. In the face of impervious US political institutions and only the smallest pretense to real democracy, the practice of solidarity witness allows these activists to reckon with legacies of privilege tied to the oppression of others while also seeking to disinvest in this privilege in meaningful ways. Theirs is ultimately a conception of solidarity in which state violence and injustice impacts everyone, but in ways that must not be made equivalent. Solidarity witness allows these activists to satisfy a desire for self-respect, to craft a current existence that seems more dignified, moral, just and imaginative than their lives previously permitted, and to attach themselves to a collective struggle for a better future.

This piece explores and critiques the project of transitional justice. It has been more than a quarter of a century since transitional justice burst onto the global stage. Over the years it has come to be billed as a panacea for addressing deeply embedded social and political dysfunction after periods of mass repression and violence. Many theorists and policy makers have argued that it is a key bridge to sustainable peace, democracy and human rights. But the historical record is not clear about a direct causal relationship between transitional justice mechanisms and specific outcomes in post-conflict societies. In some cases, truth commissions, criminal prosecutions and other transitional justice interventions appear to have given society a chance at a new and hopeful beginning. In others, conflicts have either re-emerged or been exacerbated. Which begs the question, is transitional justice the appropriate vehicle for achieving these goals? If it does not always lead to positive outcomes, why not? Are there conceptual problems and theoretical deficiencies in how we make sense of justice and transitions that account for the failures? Or is it the translation of transitional justice norms into practice that is wanting? The big question is this: Does transitional justice have a future, given its mixed record? This piece focuses on the meaning of the concept, how its application has evolved and whether it is sustainable as theory and praxis. How defined is the concept of transitional justice? What exactly does it entail and what does it seek to achieve? Are political democracy, the rule of law and human rights – the pivots of liberalism – the desired end results implicit in transitional justice approaches? If so, why should liberalism be the germ of the new post-conflict society? If transitional justice promotes liberalism, who gains and who loses if it succeeds? How would liberalism address deeply rooted cultural, colonial and ethnic rivalries and inequities? Would structures of deep inequity be vanquished by these norms? Or does this conception of transitional justice exacerbate conflicts as it seeks to transform societies? Who pays for transformation? What about market forces and norms – do they fuel or contain conflict? If existing transitional justice concepts are inadequate to recover, or reclaim, societies sickened by violence and repression, are there alternatives? If so, how do those alternatives compare with present conceptualizations of transitional justice? Should the term 'transitional justice' itself be abandoned?

International audience ; Intellectual peasant, political leader and founder of the militia of Ocros in the 1980s, the Zorro is an emblematic figure of the vicissitudes and ambiguities intrinsic to the internal armed conflict. The heroic narrative he built of himself and its role in this period articulates political and religious elements of a singular experience. For his mediating role between local and national society, the Zorro reveals the way peasants see their role in this war. The autobiography produced by/with the Zorro is one of the many subaltern stories about violence. What do we learn from these stories, often invisible in the national collective memory? How is the recent war incorporated into the overall story of the history of Peru and what place does the indigenous peasant citizen occupy there? ; Intelectual campesino, líder político y fundador de la ronda de Ocros en los años 1980, el Zorro es un personaje emblemático de las vicisitudes y ambigüedades intrínsecas del conflicto armado interno. El relato heroico que ha construido de sí mismo y de su papel en ese periodo articula elementos políticos y religiosos de una singular experiencia. Su rol de mediador entre la sociedad nacional y la local ilumina la manera cómo algunos sectores del campesinado ayacuchano concibieron su protagonismo en el curso de la guerra. La autobiografía elaborada por/con el Zorro constituye una de las tantas historias subalternas sobre la violencia. ¿Qué nos enseñan esas narraciones, a menudo invisibilizadas en la memoria colectiva nacional? ¿Cómo el episodio de la guerra reciente se incorpora en el relato global de la historia del Perú y qué lugar ocupa allí el ciudadano campesino indígena? ; Bourreau, héros ou victime ? Mémoires d'un paysan milicien d'Ayacucho (Pérou) Résumé Intellectuel paysan, leader politique et fondateur de la milice d'Ocros dans les années 1980, le Zorro est un personnage emblématique des vicissitudes et des ambiguïtés intrinsèques du conflit armé interne péruvien. Le récit héroïque qu'il a élaboré de lui-même et de son rôle durant cette période articule des éléments politiques et religieux d'une expérience singulière. Comme médiateur entre la société nationale et la locale, le Zorro éclaire la manière dont certains secteurs paysans conçoivent leur participation dans cette guerre. L'autobiographie élaborée par/avec le Zorro constitue une des nombreuses histoires subalternes sur la violence. Que nous apprennent ces narrations souvent rendues invisibles dans la mémoire collective nationale ? De quelle façon l'épisode de la guerre récente est-il incorporé au récit global de l'histoire du Pérou et quelle place y occupe le citoyen paysan indigène ?

Nos anos 1990, os funcionários das empresas estatais brasileiras realizaram mudanças organizacionais em suas empresas que resultaram em privatização, reengenharia e downsizing. Considero que as diretrizes adotadas resultaram das interpretações e redefinições das demandas do Estado – a chamada reforma neoliberal – pelos agentes em interação no campo do poder da empresa – luta política como luta cognitiva. Nesse sentido, a partir de dados empíricos – entrevistas, questionários, documentos e jornais da empresa – o processo de privatização e reestruturação produtiva é analisado considerando os seus determinantes microestruturais – as configurações e reconfigurações das relações sociais internas à organização –, que produziram um tipo de empresa vendável – conforme aos critérios de agentes financeiros. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Sociologia econômica. Privatização. Reestruturação organizacional. Violência simbólica. Luta política. THE PRIVATIZATION OF A COMPANY: an economic action rooted in social relationships Antonio José Pedroso Neto In the 1990s the employees of Brazilian state-owned companies made organizational changes in their companies which led to privatization, reengineering and downsizing. I believe that the guidelines which were adopted were the result of the interpretations and redefinitions of the State's demands – the socalled neoliberal reform – by the agents of interaction in the company's sphere of power – political struggle as cognitive struggle. In this regard, based on empirical data – interviews, questionnaires, documents and company newspapers – the privatization process and productive restructuring is analyzed by considering its microstructural determinants – the configurations and reconfigurations of the organization's internal social relationships –, which produced a sellable type of company – in conformance with the criteria of the financial agents. KEY WORDS: Economic sociology. Privatization. Organizational restructuring. Symbolic violence. Political struggle. LA PRIVATISATION D'UNE ENTREPRISE: une action économique ancrée dans les relations sociales Antonio José Pedroso Neto Dans les années 1990, les changements organisationnels réalisés par les fonctionnaires des entreprises publiques brésiliennes ont abouti à des privatisations, une réingénierie et une restructuration (downsizing). Nous estimons que les directives adoptées sont le résultat de l'interprétation et de la redéfinition des demandes de l'Etat – ladite réforme néolibérale – par les agents qui interagissent dans le champ du pouvoir de l'entreprise – lutte politique mais aussi cognitive. Ainsi, à partir de données empiriques – interviews, questionnaires, documents et journaux d'entreprise – le processus de privatisation et de restructuration de la production est analysé en tenant compte de ses déterminants microstructuraux – les configurations et reconfigurations des rapports sociaux à l'intérieur de l'organisation-, qui ont produit un type d'entreprise vendable – en accord avec les critères des agents financiers. MOTS-CLÉS: Sociologie économique. Privatisation. Restructuration organisationnelle. Violence symbolique. Lutte politique. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

"In the past two decades, scholars and practitioners have focused increasing attention on the question of how countries and societies can come to terms with a history of violence and war, oppression and human rights violations. The concept of transitional justice (TJ) has come to play a prominent role in academic debates on democratization, nation-building and state reconstruction, and has gained widespread support from international organizations. Judicial proceedings and prosecution of individuals suspected to have committed gross violations of human rights, truth commissions designed to establish a record of wrongdoing, reparations to the victims and vetting or dismissals of persons from certain positions have become 'central ingredients in the 'menu' of reforms recommended by international organizations, donor agencies and outside experts for societies in transition from war or authoritarianism' (Thoms et al. 2008, 9). The concept of reconciliation has gained similar popularity. In the past decade 'reconciliation' has become one of the four main categories of initiatives that receive donors' support, along with political development, socio-economic assistance and security (Smith 2004). Many researchers and practitioners see reconciliation as a necessary requirement for lasting peace, assuming that once a top-down political settlement has been reached, a bottom-up process should take place, in which unresolved issues of the conflict will be handled in order to prevent questioning of the settlement and a return to violence. In this context, coming to terms with the past is considered a precondition for building peace and future relationships. This chapter reviews the debates on transitional justice and reconciliation in order to assess the practical approaches that stem from these concepts in terms of their relevance for conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The next section reflects the state of research on international criminal justice and truth commissions and highlights the strengths and limits of these approaches. Section 3 reveals that the debates on transitional justice and reconciliation, although they overlap, are not identical, and outlines the need to see reconciliation as a multi-level process alongside conflict transformation. The discourses on all these concepts are marked by significant research gaps and many open questions, which are summarized at the end of both sections. The fourth and final section spells out diverse challenges for research and practice. These include a need to focus on the interaction of different actors, levels and mechanisms and to listen to the voices of affected populations." (excerpt)

This paper gives an overview of relationship between religion and terrorism, relations between religious fundamentalism and extremism, intolerance and terrorism. Basic characteristics of the religious fundamentalism, terrorism and religious terrorist acts are given. Also, the difference between peacemaking believers and those who are prone to violence is mentioned. It is explained why and how those differences are made. Main questions that are the subject of this essay are: How religion can provoke violence? Why and under which circumstances religious fundamentalism leads to terrorism? The increase of totalitarian pretensions of fundamentalist ideologies, within any religion, together with the use of global communications, transport and modern technology, indicates that the issue of religious fundamentalism deserves more attention. Although the fundamentalism isn't new, nor limited to one culture, global communication and recent political events showed that there are different kinds of Christianity and Islam. That means that within certain religions there are fragmentations which can lead to catastrophic consequences. Having in mind that relations among fundamentalism, extremism and terrorism are usually observed, commonly in regard to the Islamic fundamentalism, there is a need to design a model which could be used for predictions, in the sense of political activities which would be used as counter terrorism acts. This paper represents a small step towards that goal. ; U ovom radu dat je prikaz odnosa između religije i terorizma, povezanost religijskog fundamentalizma, ekstremizma, netolerancije i terorističkih akata. Navedena su osnovna obeležja religijskog fundamentalizma, terorizma kao i verski orijentisanog terorizma. Uočena je razlika između vernika koji su mirotvorci i onih koji pribegavaju nasilju. Dato je objašnjenje zašto i kako dolazi do tih razlika. Osnovna pitanja na koja esej pokušava da odgovori su: Kako religija može biti uzrok nasilja? Zašto i pod kojim uslovima religijski fundamentalizam dovodi do terorizma? Porast totalitarnih pretenzija fundamentalističkih ideologija, bilo koje religije, zajedno sa upotrebom globalizovanih komunikacija, transporta i savremene tehnologije, dovodi do toga da pitanje religijskog fundamentalizma zaslužuje veću pažnju. Iako fundamentalizam nije ni nov ni ograničen na jednu kulturu, globalizovane komunikacije i skorašnji politički događaji ukazali su da postoje različiti oblici iste religije. To znači da se u okviru pojedinih religija javlja fragmentacija koja može imati katastrofalne posledice. Pošto se obično uočavaju veze između fundamentalizma, ekstremizma i terorizma, najčešće u vezi sa islamskim fundamentalizmom, potrebno je da se predstavi model koji bi mogao da služi za predviđanje, u smislu političkih aktivnosti vezanih za borbu protiv terorizma. Ovaj rad predstavlja mali korak u tom pravcu. .