Suchergebnisse

Resumen: El siguiente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar comparativamente dos trayectorias académicas (a través de sus reverberaciones políticas) de docentes de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Los casos por analizar presentan singular importancia dado que se trata de académicos del Derecho que luego de una nutrida carrera académica alcanzaron importantes posiciones en el mundo de la política argentina de entreguerras. A través de un enfoque biográfico proponemos reconstruir la trayectoria de dos hombres del universo conservador que, con matices y contrastes, mostraron un patrón de inserción política similar. Asimismo, estos casos ofrecen pistas valiosas para entender las nutridas intersecciones entre el ámbito académico (especialmente el espacio de socialización que ofrecía la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Buenos Aires) con el mundo de la política en un período de creciente democratización y profesionalización. ; Abstract: The following article aims to analyze comparatively two academic trajectories (through their political reverberations) of professors of the University of Buenos Aires' School of Law. The profiles to be analyzed are key cases since these professors were legal scholars who, after an extensive academic career, reached important positions in the Argentine Interwar politics. Through a biographical approach, we propose to reconstruct the trajectory of two men of the conservative spectrum, which, with nuances and contrasts, showed a similar pattern of ascension in the political world. Also, these cases offer valuable pieces of evidence to understand the large intersections between the academic cosmos (especially the socialization space of the University of Buenos Aires' Law School) with the world of politics in a period of growing democratization and professionalization of Argentine politics.

The article looks at the planning, introduction and expansion of agricultural education, farming, dairying, co-operation and other related rural economy schemes at Khalsa College, Amritsar (KCA), the first and biggest Sikh higher educational institution in the colonial Punjab, between ca. 1915 and 1947. It examines a set of agricultural initiatives started in the second half of the 1910s as an early attempt at rural reconstruction, and analyses how they were debated among the contemporary paternalist Punjab administration as well as among advocates of 'rural reconstruction' across India. The article scrutinises in particular how the Khalsa College had to look for new ways to reinforce its claim of being a lighthouse institution for the dissemination of 'modern' and 'scientific' agricultural knowledge under the dyarchy system of the interwar years. Through a detailed reconstruction of the college's engagement with both a national and a transnational development discourse in the final decades of the colonial period, it is shown that 'agricultural science' was understood at the KCA as a universal tool for development. As it was not perceived as inherently 'Western', there was no need to 'vernacularise' it. Revealingly, the USA in particular became a popular destination and point of reference for higher studies in agriculture and rural economics. The college's various agricultural schemes were consistently legitimised by the well-entrenched orientalist narrative of the supposedly 'rural' and 'practical' character of the Sikh, the KCA and its ideas on rural development regularly shifted between imperial, nationalist and communal concerns. At the same time, however, its focus on the education of a class of scientifically trained rural specialists paralleled the state-led and expert-driven approaches shared by most nationalist enterprises and the colonial state.

The article provides a critical analysis of the interpretations of the Concert of Europe by British and American historians of the XXth century. The interest in the study of this phenomenon is rooted in its relation to the problems of the maintenance of international order and stability. It is not only academic, being partly determined by the fact that throughout the XX century first Britain and then the USA was at the top of the world hierarchy, and accordingly played a leading role in the construction and maintenance of the European order. Current international environment, the experience of the two World Wars of the XXth century determined the angle from which the phenomenon of the Concert of Europe was studied. Whereas in the second half of the 1910s - early 1920s historians pointed to the deficiencies of the international system of the preceding century (and in particular, the institution of the Concert of Europe), the students of the Vienna system working after the Second World War regarded the period of 1815-1914 as relatively stable, compared to the short interwar interlude. The Concert of Europe was named as one of the factors contributing to stability and peace. Certain logic can be discerned in the development of the historiography of the problem, which to some degree reflected the evolution of ideas about international relations management. At the same time, the differences in the interpretations of the Concert of Europe derive from the fact that this very concept in the XIXth century was not fixed and static. Great Powers' readiness to cooperation did not mean that there were no conflicts of interests. They struggled for leadership within the Concert and sought to impart to it their own interpretation.

The history of the ethnic borderlands of Hungary and Romania in the years 1867–1944 were marked by changing national borders, ethnic conflicts and economic problems. Using a local case study of the city and county of Szatmár/Satu-Mare, this thesis investigates the practice and social mechanisms of economic nationalizing. It explores the interplay between ethno-national and economic factors, and furthermore analyses what social mechanisms lead to and explain inclusion, exclusion and annihilation. The underlying principle of economic nationalizing in both countries was the separation of citizens into ethnic categories and the establishment of a dominant core nation entitled to political and economic privileges from the state. National leaders implemented a policy of economic nationalizing that exploited and redistributed resources taken from the minorities. To pursue this end, leaders instrumentalized ethnicity, which institutionalized inequality and ethnic exclusion. This process of ethnic, and finally racial, exclusion marked the whole period and reached its culmination in the annihilation of the Jews throughout most of Hungary in 1944. For nearly a century, ethnic exclusion undermined the various nationalizing projects in the two countries: the Magyarization of the minorities in dualist Hungary (1867–1918); the Romanianization of the economy of the ethnic borderland in interwar Romania (1918–1940); and finally the re-Hungarianization of the economy in Second World War Hungary (1940–1944). The extreme case of exclusion, namely the Holocaust, revealed that the path of exclusion brought nothing but destruction for everyone. This reinforces the thesis that economic nationalizing through the exclusion of minorities induces a vicious circle of ethnic bifurcation, political instability and unfavorable conditions for achieving economic prosperity. Exclusion served the short-term elite's interest but undermined the long-term nation's ability to prosper.

The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of 'idealist' visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.

Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia.
The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class.
Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuanian economy, over the last century, has been subject to significant changes and various vicissitudes. After restoring its independence (1918), Lithuania had to start everything from the very beginning, i.e. as soon as possible to commence the development of its own economy under challenging and complex political conditions. Small and medium-sized business, crafts, retail trade were the first significant changes. Unfortunately, Lithuania, at that time, was missing its own independent, entrepreneurial, life-innovation-sensitive entrepreneurs' layer. The foregoing was determined both by objective (the global economic crisis) and subjective (lack of working capital, negligible purchasing power, public institutions' red tape, etc.) reasons. The inter-war period was too short for Lithuania's economy to obtain the best possible results though certain conditions were ensured, and much solid work was done in the field of social policy. Current politicians and economists still have what to learn from that time political insight, economic rationality, legislative technique. Unfortunately, the Second World War and the subsequent authoritarian character of the Soviet Union's economy influenced the nature of Lithuania's economy, irrational attitude towards its changes taking place at that time. For very many, restoration of independence was unexpected. It was necessary to start managing Lithuanian economy in the absence of almost any practical, scientific expertise and input so that to begin objective and significant economic reforms. In order to focus on European management standards, Lithuania should substantially improve its management in all activity fields. Unfortunately, Lithuania's science is still lacking the applied research orientation, natural connection of theory and practice. Becoming a Member State of the European Union, we should manage to realize ourselves. Only universal prosperity, high level of cultural and well educated youth, as well as proper and sufficient understanding of democracy ideals will enable Lithuania to speed up its efforts and to become a full member of the free EU. Marginal efficiency theory, Keynesian view, neoclassical attitude towards economics, Monetarism, Neoliberalism and institutionalists' attitudes, hopefully, will promote the efforts to form a base of uniform researches, favorable for political scientists and economists. Creation of macroeconomics, undoubtedly, is a major achievement of the 20th Century economics. Nobel Prize Laureates: Milton Friedman, James Tobin, Franco Modigliani, Lawrence R. Klein, Robert M. Solow and other famous scientists are the most prominent contributors in this field. Regretfully, the reverse process still often happens on the Lithuanian revival path: fragmentation of social sciences, i.e. theoretical researches are prevailing over the empirical studies in the field of social sciences abroad. Lithuania, however, is still lacking the same. The number of successors of the interwar-period intellectuals (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis and others) is alarmingly low. Current economists do not have enough consistency and are not well prepared from the theoretical point of view. In my opinion, teaching assignments of the mathematized economic theory for the 21st Century's future economists shall be notably reinforced and enhanced. Furthermore, they should be able themselves not only to interpret such theories, but also to create new ones. Full symbiosis of the economic theory and practice is of vital importance. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Lietuvos ūkis per paskutinį šimtmetį patyrė labai daug pokyčių. Tik atgavus nepriklausomybę (1918 m.) Lietuvai reikėjo viską pradėti nuo pradžių, t. y. labai sudėtingose politinėse peripetijose reikėjo kuo greičiau kurti savo ūkį. Viso to pradžia buvo smulkus ir vidutinis verslas, amatai, mažmeninė prekyba. Deja, Lietuva neturėjo savarankiško, verslaus ir gyvenimo inovacijoms neabejingo verslininkų sluoksnio. Tam buvo tiek objektyvių (pasaulinė ekonominė krizė), tiek subjektyvių (apyvartinių lėšų stoka, menka perkamoji galia, valstybės institucijų biurokratizmas ir pan.) priežasčių. Tarpukario laikotarpis buvo per trumpas, kad šalies ūkis pasiektų reikšmingesnių rezultatų nors tam tikros sąlygos buvo palankios, o socialinės politikos srityje buvo nemažai nuveikta. Dabarties politikai ir ekonomistai galėtų pasimokyti iš to meto politinio įžvalgumo, ekonominio racionalumo, teisinės technikos. Deja, antrasis pasaulinis karas ir po jo sekęs autoritarinis Sovietų Sąjungos ekonomikos pobūdis nulėmė to meto Lietuvos ūkio pobūdį, kaitos neracionalumą. Nepriklausomybės atkūrimas daug kam buvo nelauktas. Teko pradėti tvarkyti Lietuvos ūkį, neturint beveik jokio praktinio ir mokslinio įdirbio, reikalingo objektyvioms ir prasmingoms ekonominėms reformoms atlikti. Norint Lietuvai orientuotis į europinius valdymo standartus, būtina iš esmės pagerinti visų sričių vadybą. Lietuvos mokslas dar nepakankamai orientuotas į taikomuosius tyrimus, natūralų teorijos ir praktikos sujungimą. Tapę Europos Sąjungos nariais, turime gebėti save realizuoti. Tik visuotinė gerovė, aukštas kultūros lygis ir gerai išsilavinęs jaunimas bei geras demokratijos idealų supratimas leis Lietuvai tapti pilnaverte laisvos ES nare. Per ribinio naudingumo teoriją, keinsizmą, neoklasikus, monetarizmą, neoliberalizmą ir institucionalistų pažiūras bandoma formuoti politologų ir ekonomistų bendrą tyrimų lauką. Didžiausias XX a. ekonomikos mokslo laimėjimas – makroekonominės teorijos sukūrimas. Didelis nuopelnas tenka Nobelio premijos laureatams: Milton′ui Friedman′ui, James′ui Tobin′ui, Franco′ui Modigliani′ui, Lawrence′ui R. Klein′ui, Robert′ui M. Solow′ui ir kt. Deja, Lietuvos atgimimo kelyje vyksta atvirkštinis procesas: socialinių mokslų susiskaidymas, t. y. užsienyje socialinių mokslų srityje daugiausia atliekama teorinių, o ne empirinių tyrimų. Tačiau Lietuvoje to pasigendama. Tarpukario laikotarpio intelektualų (D. Cesevičius, D. Budrys, P. Padalskis ir kt.) minčių tęsėjų gretos labai retos. Dabartiniams Lietuvos ekonomistams dažnai trūksta nuoseklumo ir plataus teorinio pasirengimo. Manyčiau, kad XXI a. rengiamiems ekonomistams reikėtų gerokai sustiprinti matematizuotos ekonominės teorijos dėstymą. Be to, jie patys turėtų gebėti tokias teorijas ne tik interpretuoti, bet ir kurti naujas. Būtina ekonomikos teorijos ir praktikos simbiozė.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

Introduction : conceptualizing the history of international scholarship programs (19-21st centuries) / Giles Scott-Smith and Ludovic Tournes -- The politics of scholarly exchange : taking the long view on the Rhodes scholarships / Tamson Pietsch & Meng-Hsuan Chou -- The defeat of university autonomy : French academic diplomacy, mobility scholarships and exchange programs (1880s-1930s) / Guillaume Tronchet -- The commonwealth university interchange scheme : promoting exchanges in a changing world (1948-1960) / Alice Byrne -- Students as ambassadors : German-American exchange diplomacy during the 1980s / Jacob S. Eder -- Muscular Christian exchanges : Asian sports experts and the international YMCA training school (1910s-1930s) / Stefan Hubner -- Managing scientific exchange in interwar Germany : August Wilhelm Fehling and Rockefeller Foundation fellowships / Judith Syga-Dubois -- Wedges and webs : Rockefeller nursing fellowships, 1920-1940 / Pierre-Yves Saunier -- Fellowship programs for public health development : the Rockefeller Foundation, UNRRA, and WHO (1920s-1970s) / Yi-Tang Lin, Thomas David, Davide Rodogno -- New missionaries for social development : the ILO internship program (1950-1963) / Veronique Plata-Stenger -- The Fulbright program and the philosophy and geography of U.S. exchange programs since World War II / Lonnie R. Johnson -- Grassroots diplomacy : fighting the cold war on the family farm with the International Farm Youth Exchange / Peter Simons -- Third world students at Soviet universities in the Brezhnev period / Julie Hessler -- US exchange programs with Africa during the civil rights era / Hannah Higgin -- Working on/working with the Soviet bloc : IREX, scholarly exchanges and detente / Justine Faure -- American foundations and the challenge of funding international fellowship and exchange programs since 1970 / Patricia L. Rosenfield -- Global networks, soft power, and the U.S. military / Carol Atkinson -- American Fulbrighters in China, 1979-2014 / Guangqiu Xu -- Importing barbarian knowledge : the JET program and the development of cultural internationalism in Japan (1987-2014) / Jesse Sargent -- New actors of the post-cold war world (Europe, China, India) : towards a genuine globalization of scholarship programs / Ludovic Tournes

Although their plight now dominates television news worldwide, the Bosnian Muslims were until recently virtually unknown outside of Yugoslavia. This meticulously researched, comprehensive book traces the turbulent history of the Bosnian Muslims and shows how their mixed secular and religious identity has shaped the conflict in which they are now so tragically embroiled. Although their plight now dominates television news worldwide, the Bosnian Muslims were until recently virtually unknown outside of Yugoslavia. Who are these people? Why are they the focus of their former neighbors rage? What role did they play in Yugoslavia before they became the victims of ethnic cleansing? Why has Bosnia-Hercegovina, once a model of ethnic tolerance and multicultural harmony, suddenly exploded into ethnic violence?Focusing on these questions, Friedman provides a comprehensive study of this national group whose plight has riveted governments, the press, and the public alike. With a name reflecting both their religious and their national identity, the Bosnian Muslims are unique in Europe as indigenous Slavic Muslims. Descendants of schismatic Christians from the Middle Ages, they converted to Islam after the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia.The book follows them as they went from victims of crusades during the Middle Ages to members of the ruling elite within the Ottoman Empire; from rulers back to subjects under Austria-Hungary; and later subjects again, this time under the Serbs in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom and the Communists after World War II. The Bosnian Muslims have survived through it all, even thriving during certain periods, most notably when they were recognized by Tito as a nation.Meticulously tracing their turbulent history and assessing the issues surrounding Bosnian Muslim nationhood in Yugoslavia, Friedman shows us how the mixed secular and religious identity of the Bosnian Muslims has shaped the conflict in which they are now so tragically embroiled.

Intro -- POVERTY AND CHARITY IN MIDDLE EASTERN CONTEXTS -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Note to the Reader -- Introduction -- Part I: Entitlement and Obligation -- 1. Poverty and Charity in the Rise of Islam by Michael Bonner -- 2. Status-Based Definitions of Need in Early Islamic Zakat and Maintenance Laws by Ingrid Mattson -- 3. The Foreign Jewish Poor in Medieval Egypt by Mark R. Cohen -- 4. "Prices Are in God's Hands": The Theory and Practice of Price Control in the Medieval Islamic World by Adam Sabra -- Part II: Institutions -- 5. The Functional Aspects of Medieval Islamic Hospitals by Yasser Tabbaa -- 6. Charity and Hospitality: Hospitals in the Ottoman Empire in the Early Modern Period by Miri Shefer -- 7. Charity, the Poor, and Distribution of Alms in Ottoman Algiers by Miriam Hoexter -- Part III: The State as Benefactor -- 8. Living on the Margins of Charity: Coping with Poverty in an Ottoman Provincial City by Eyal Ginio -- 9. The Charity of the Khedive by Mine Ener -- 10. Imperial Gifts and Sultanic Legitimation during the Late Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909 by Nadir Özbek -- Part IV: Changing Worlds -- 11. Al-Tahtawi on Poverty and Welfare by Juan R. I. Cole -- 12. Islam, Philanthropy, and Political Culture in Interwar Egypt: The Activism of Labiba Ahmad by Beth Baron -- 13. "The Child Question": The Politics of Child Welfare in Early Republican Turkey by Kathryn Libal -- Part V: Welfare as Politics -- 14. Islamic Redistribution through Zakat: Historical Record and Modern Realities by Timur Kuran -- 15. Charity's Legacies: A Reconsideration of Ottoman Imperial Endowment-Making by Amy Singer -- Conclusion by Natalie Zemon Davis -- Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z -- SUNY series in the Social and Economic History.

Three variables were considered in this study: music philosophy education, Debussy aesthetic, and modernity. A questionnaire was created and filled out by students to determine the link between these variables. After using Reliability with a value of 0.8, which is regarded God for this study, Then we used Correlation to determine the relationship. The most significant part of Claude Debussy's aesthetic is nature. The majority of the French composer's music is in some way inspired by nature, and his critical articles and personal correspondence passionately urge for a synergy between music and nature. This dissertation investigates the relationship between cultural artefacts and the natural world using an increasingly relevant ecocritical lens, an interdisciplinary form of critique that aims to reconcile the complex link between the two. Set against the "long nineteenth century," Debussy's naturism, or nature worship, A Marxist historian named Eric Hobsbawm coined the term "century" and popularised it afterwards. Several academics have coined the word "interwar" to define the period in European history between the outbreak of World War I and the French Revolution. Debussy's music and criticism, according to my observations, combine to produce an honest challenge. to the environmental problems that come with unrestricted development in the twenty-first century in the United States
This contribution (MEP) introduces the field of "music education" or music education. Many music educators are unaware of the existence of music education philosophy, not to mention its nature and value. Dedicated MEP courses for undergraduate and graduate music education programs are not yet common in North America and most other countries. Nevertheless, (1) analyze, summarize, discuss, or "concern" all theoretical and practical aspects of music education and, as a result, (2) notify teachers and students of music education at the university. There is a substantial and fast-growing international literature of interest. A scholar of basic concepts, concepts, controversies, principles, and practices in school and community music education.

Serbia's political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.

This dissertation examines the career and methodological thinking of the sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld (1901-1976) from interwar Vienna to the mid-twentieth century United States. It locates the roots of the research system and graduate student training at the Columbia University Bureau of Applied Social Research in his Vienna formation. Lazarsfeld's approach to social research mediated between extreme Central European positions on the relationship between the natural sciences and the humanities and social sciences. Examination of Lazarsfeld's Viennese milieu uncovers the specific ways of thinking through this problem and the particular meanings attached to them that were highly local but embedded in conversations and scientific practices throughout Central Europe and across the Atlantic. In his American years, new constellations of thinkers and new political contexts imbued the problem with new meanings. A contextualized reconstruction of Lazarsfeld's career contributes to the ongoing revision of our understanding of "posivitism." Lazarsfeld anticipated "post-positivist" perspectives on skill, training, and objectivity that animate the practical turn in the history of science but from within the tradition of Viennese positivism. The dissertation is divided into three parts in rough chronological order but focused around Vienna from the end of the First World War until the early 1930s and the United States from the mid-1940s to the early 1960s. These periods cover Lazarsfeld's young adulthood in Vienna and the height of his influence and activity at Columbia University in postwar America respectively. Ways of doing social science that have seemed particularly "American" appear less indigenous because they can be traced in part back to Austria through Lazarsfeld. Attention to Lazarsfeld's idiosyncratic approach makes the supposed methodological consensus of the postwar American social sciences that vaunted "basic" or "pure" science and a "natural science model" appear less uniform. These findings open up space for nuanced examination of the relationships between methodology and context.

Дмитрий Философов, проживший в Польше с 1920 по 1940 год, еще до революции и эмиграции был знаком с некоторыми представителями польской культуры. Среди них был молодой дворянин - Юзеф Чапски. Именно благодаря ему сразу после приезда в Варшаву Философов попал в интеллектуальную среду столицы. Среди его знакомых были Мария Домбровская, Станислав Стемповски, Ежи Гедройц, его портрет писал Виткацы, скульптуру его головы делала сестра Софии Налковской. Но прежде всего стоит обратить внимание, что Философов не ограничивался просто светскими контактами, но также принимал активное участие в культурной и политической жизни, чего следы мы находим в воспоминаниях современников. Из них мы знаем, что он занимал позицию по поводу научных исследований, вступал в полемику по поводу литературных произведений, его интересовало положение национальных меньшинств. В данной статье анализируются некоторые воспоминания польской культурной элиты межвоенного периода на тему Философова, но с грустью приходится констатировать, что в свои последние польские годы он оставался человеком одиноким, для всех чужим. ; Yet before his emigration to Poland in 1920, Dmitry Filosofov had been personally acquainted with some Polish intellectuals, among them with young Józef Czapski. It was Czapski who introduced Filosofov to the cultural elite of Warsaw. There he has met Maria Dąbrowska, Stanisław Stempowski, Jerzy Giedroyć, Witkacy – who painted his portrait, Zofia Nałkowska's sister – who sculpted his bust. With some of them Filosofov has maintained long and enduring relationships. Going far beyond conventional social relations, Filosofov has taken an active interest in the cultural, social and political life of interwar Poland. He has commented on academic research, literary texts and stage plays. He has also been involved in the wide discourse on the plight of national minorities in Poland. In this article we review the remarks and recollections on Filosofov by some of the most prominent personalities of the period. We also take note of the estrangement and sadness of his last years in Poland.