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"People's Tribunals are independent, peaceful, grassroots movements, created members of civil society, to address impunity that is associated with ongoing or past atrocities. As such, they offer society an alternative history and create a space for healing and reconciliation to take place that may otherwise be stifled by political agendas and legal technicalities. Since the 1960's, People's Tribunals have grown and developed to address many kinds of situations, from genocide to environmental degradation. This book presents a balance of academic and practitioner perspectives on Peoples' Tribunals. It explores key questions relating to their formation and roles and discusses what they can offer to victims and survivors. The volume provides an introduction to the subject, theoretically informed discussion reflecting different perspectives, and a range of contributions focusing on different types of Peoples' Tribunals and various aspects of their operation. The authors analyse advantages and disadvantages of these movements in a variety of contexts. The impact and contribution they have in the international criminal law and international human rights context is also discussed"--

THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO OUTLINE THE COMPLEX PATTERN OF LIBERTY AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THROUGH A SURVEY OF THE HISTORICAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THOSE CONCERNS IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WHAT IS STILL THE WORLD'S MOST IMPORTANT DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY, THE UNITED STATES. AN INTERPRETIVE SURVEY OF THE IMPORTANCE OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY PRESENTS A SET OF KEY IDEAS ABOUT INTERNATIONAL ORDER--SPECIFICALLY, THE ATTEMPT TO RESOLVE IDEAS OF AMERICAN MISSION WITH THE REQUIREMENTS OF SECURITY, THROUGH INCREASINGLY ACTIVE LINKAGE OF U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY TO THE INTERNAL CHARACTER OF FOREIGN REGIMES. THE ESSAY CONCLUDES WITH WHAT SHOULD PROVE A CONTROVERSIAL, QUALIFIED APPROVAL OF THE NEW LIBERAL REALISM EVIDENT IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE EARLY 1990S.

Unique in its approach,Understanding the Global Community examines both international issues and regional perspectives. The first half of the book explores overarching global themes, including American foreign policy, international security, humanitarian intervention, and the global economy. The second half addresses nationalism and its challenge to the development of a global community, with region-specific chapters focusing on historic and contemporary issues in China, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East.

The challenges of customer service and business development in international business -- Establishing a robust and aggressive export sales and customer service strategy -- E-commerce -- Cargo loss control -- Regulatory and trade compliance concerns in international trade -- Utilizing service providers and other useful third parties to enhance your customer service capabilities -- Negotiating skill sets in global customer service -- Best practices in sales, business development and customer service -- Appendix

Despite many predictions to the contrary, the Republic of Korea (ROK) is currently one of the countries with most pro-American attitudes. We investigate what is behind the extraordinary resilience in US popular standing in an allegedly least likely setting. Using survey data from 2002 and 2007 and a novel methodology, Classification and Regression Tree models, we test whether US standing is: (1) a matter of interests, i.e. a reward that the USA receives because it either provides security or international public goods; or (2) whether it is a matter of image, i.e. the recognition that the USA is a role model to emulate. We find that across a large number of predictors, the Korean public mostly liked the USA because they liked American ways of doing business, which gives support to the image hypothesis. Security interests played a secondary role in shaping US standing, while the provision of international public goods had no impact in the popular assessment of the USA in the ROK. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

An interview with Kieran Prendergast, the former United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, concerning Prendergast's past diplomatic accomplishments, assessment of current efforts to maintain or produce peace in particular regions throughout the world, the strength of the current international human rights regime, & the nature of relations between the United Nations & the US is presented. It is stated that Prendergast's involvement in facilitating the self-determination of East Timor & in the establishment of the Quartet on the Middle East were highlights of his diplomatic career. Questions concerning whether the United Nations Security Council should demonstrate greater willingness to authorize military interventions into crisis regions & whether the Security Council should accept additional permanent members are then considered. After explaining the movement to replace the United Nations Human Rights Commission with the Human Rights Council, it is stressed that close relations between the United Nations & the US are required to maintain international order. In addition, Prendergast's thought about selecting the next United Nations Secretary-General are shared. J. W. Parker

The world's tallest building -- Building Taiwan -- From farmers to manufacturers -- From "free China" to democratic Taiwan -- "America is boring at night" -- "An opportunity full of threats": cross-strait economic interaction -- Making peace with the China inside and the China outside -- The international birdcage -- Why Taiwan matters to American and the world

Ausgehend von der Annahme dass Klimapolitik unter hoher Unsicherheit operiert und dass - unter den derzeit gegebenen politischen Umständen - die Umsetzung einer global optimalen Klimapolitik sehr unwahrscheinlich erscheint, erkundet die vorliegende Arbeit mögliche 'zweitbeste' Optionen und vergleicht verschiedene Politikinstrumente ihrer Umsetzung. In einer Welt begrenzter internationaler Zusammenarbeit stellen sich in Bezug auf zweitbeste Optionen folgende Fragen: (i) Wie können bereits kooperierende Länder sicherstellen, dass ihre Klimaschutzmassnahmen wirksam und kosteneffizient sind? (ii) Wie kann ein höchstmögliches Maß an Kooperation erreicht werden? Bezüglich dieser Punkte werden in dieser Arbeit zum einen verschiedene institutionelle Formen des Emissionshandels – insbesondere das 'Linking' von Zertifikatsmärkten – analysiert. Zum anderen wird aus einer spieltheoretischen Perspektive untersucht, inwieweit Handelssanktionen zu einer Verstärkung von internationaler Klimakooperation beitragen können. Die Ergebnisse zeigen (a) wie institutionelle Unverträglichkeiten und allgemeine Gleichgewichtseffekte den Nutzen eines Linking-Abkommens verringern können, und (b) dass die Anzahl der Beitrittsländer eines Klimaabkommens durch die Anwendung von Handelszöllen signifikant erhöht werden könnte. Als weiteres Anwendungsfeld von zweitbesten Optionen widmet sich die Arbeit dem Thema Unsicherheit, speziell dem Einfluss von Unsicherheit auf verschiedene Politikinstrumente. Dazu werden sogenannte Intensitätsziele – die die Emissionsobergrenze an die Wirtschaftsleistung (BSP) koppeln – untersucht, sowohl in Hinblick auf ihre Auswirkung auf Kostenunsicherheit als auch auf ihre Anschlussfähigkeit an den internationalen Emissionshandel. Im Ergebnis erscheinen Intensitätsziele aufgrund ihrer höheren Komplexität sowie ihres potentiell recht geringen Nutzenvorteils gegenüber konventionellen absoluten Emissionszielen als weniger robuste Wahl. ; Starting from the premise that climate change policy-making takes place under considerable uncertainty and suffers from a lack of international cooperation, and that this prevents the implementation of a global first-best policy, the present thesis poses the second-best question of what can be done despite these constraints and compares different policy options. Under conditions of partial cooperation, two questions of the second-best type arise: (i) What can already cooperating countries do to ensure their climate policies are effective and cost-efficient? (ii) How can the highest possible level of international cooperation be achieved? In this thesis, these issues are treated by assessing different institutional forms of emissions trading, in particular the 'linking' of permit markets, and, also, by adopting a game-theoretic view to analyze in how far trade sanctions can help to broaden international cooperation. The results show (a) how institutional incompatibilities and general equilibrium effects could reduce the benefits of a linking agreement, and (b) that tariffs have a significant potential to increase participation in a climate agreement. Uncertainty, and how it affects different policy instruments, is the other second-best aspect investigated. So-called intensity targets, which index emission targets on GDP, are analyzed with regard to their effect on cost-uncertainty, and their compatibility with international emissions trading. The results suggest that due to the increased complexity and the potentially only modest benefits of an intensity target, conventional absolute targets remain a robust choice for a cautious policy-maker.

Der Beitrag gibt zunächst einen Überblick über den wissenschafts- und politikgeschichtlichen Hintergrund feministischer Ansätze, für die im Folgenden exemplarisch Christine Sylvesters "Feminist Theory and International Relations in a Postmodern Era" analysiert wird. Drei Punkte sind hier zentral: (1) die Einordnung des postmodernen Feminismus in den Rahmen feministischer Theorieansätze, (2) die Einordnung der Theoriedebatten der Internationalen Beziehungen aus feministischer Sicht und (3) die Explikation einer eigenen feministischen Methode der "einfühlenden Kooperation". Sylvesters Versuch einer Gratwanderung zwischen Postmoderne und Feminismus hat Kritiker aus beiden Lagern auf den Plan gerufen; hinzu kommt externe Kritik aus anderen Denkschulen. Ein didaktisch aufbereitetes Literaturverzeichnis erleichtert die Auseinandersetzung mit der Thematik. (ICE2)

Sweden may seem an unlikely country to intervene in the political life of Central America, a region with a political tradition far removed from the democratic reformism of Swedish society. However, Sweden's international ambitions are much larger than its small size and distant location would suggest. This is particularly true for the Social Democratic Party, which plays a role in the international workers' movement out of proportion to the country's ostensible rank in the world

International audience ; There are now several case studies of the economic impact of disarmament for development in developed countries based on national economic models or qualitative economic policy analysis. The effects depend mainly on the existence or not of a military-industrial complex and the modalities of disarmament. The developmental effects of disarmament for developing countries are not as positive as intuitive analyses, as arms-producing countries may experience structural crises in their domestic industries, and developing countries, as recipients of international aid, must avoid the effects of new dependency factors. Disarmament requires the definition of national priorities and a redefinition of the international economic order ; Il existe aujourd'hui plusieurs études de cas de l'impact économique du désarmement pour le développement dans les pays développés sur la base de modèles économiques nationaux ou d'analyse qualitatives de politique économique. Les effets dépendent principalement de l'existence ou non d'un complexe militaro-industriel et des modalités de désarmement. Les effets d'un désarmement pour le développement en faveur des pays en voie de développement ne sont pas aussi positifs que les analyses intuitives, car les pays producteur d'armement peuvent connaître des crises structurelles de leurs industries nationales et les pays en développement, receveurs de l'aide internationale, doivent éviter les effets de nouveaux facteurs de dépendance. Le désarmement suppose la définition des priorités nationales et une redéfinition de l'ordre économique international.