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U.S. Congressional publication, 1 pp. ; The U.S. Serial set is a specially bound, consecutively numbered version of all House and Senate reports and documents. Many of the government documents in the Americas archive come originally from the U.S. Serial set, although were bound together at some later point into the collection that is now represented in this collection.

Power in international relations in this paper will be defined by some concepts which are defined in the political power, Starting with the Power as a goal of states or leaders, following with the power as a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; Power as reflecting victory in conflict and the attainment of security and finishing with the Power as control over resources and capabilities. ; Bu çalışmada güç, uluslararası politik güç olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Güç, devlet ve liderleri için bir hedef olarak; olaylar, aktörler be sorunlar üzerinde etki sahibi olmanın bir ölçütü olarak; çatışmada zafer ve güvenliği sağlamak olarak ve son olarak da kaynaklar üzerinde kontrol sahibi olmak anlamları üzerinden tanımlanacaktır.

Oil is one of the most important driving forces in geopolitics today. This can be seen in a number of different venues around the world, from the war in Iraq to U.S. relations with China (which is becoming an ever-hungrier consumer of oil) to Indonesia & parts of Africa, where oil & religion are mixing together to create new & violent conflicts. The United States, rather than seeking ways to make itself significantly less dependent on oil, has chosen to use its political resources in ways that will allow the nation to obtain the oil that it needs. This can be seen on a number of political fronts, including in U.S. policy towards Venezuela. Adapted from the source document.

Henry C. Carey : first American economist -- The English classical school in the United States -- Epigones -- Economic thought in the south -- The new life in American economics -- Introductory -- Francis A. Walker -- Two philosophical economists : Simon N. Patten and John Bates Clark -- Appendix I. On collateral things, not being the main subject of the discourse -- Appendix II. Contemporary American economics -- Early American economics in its European setting -- American protests against English economics -- The development of the scientific point of view in relation to the tariff. - This work publishes for the first time Richard T. Ely's study of the history of American economic thought. Ely was both a reformer of economics and a leading economist between the 1880's and 1930's. A founder of the American economic association, he himself wrote on a vast number of topics. This history of American economics tells a story that is both straightforward and his own interpretation

In any enterprise, the customer plays a key role as the main "provider" of revenue. The profitability of a particular enterprise depends on appropriate customer relations. Profitable customer relations are crucial for conducting and continuing business. The purpose of this article is to present the author's concept of customer cost accounting, which will effectively support decision-making in optimizing customer relations. The main basis for the conceptual work on the customer account is research conducted on 178 companies, the results of which clearly indicated the need to analyze the profitability of customer relationships. The research used a survey questionnaire and statistical tools. First, basic statistical measures were applied. Non-parametric tests were used to evaluate the relationships between variables: Pearson's chi-square test, Spearman's rank correlation, and the Kruskal-Wallis ANOVA test. Through the research, three theses were falsified and confirmed.

AbstractRecent years have witnessed an upsurge of interest in the "sharing," "gig," or "on-demand" economy, which has been changing the relationships between customers, workers, and companies. While literature on the gig economy in the Western context abounds, few studies have focused on "digitalized" labor relations in the Central Asian context.Drawing on qualitative field research in Kazakhstan in 2016 and 2021, supplemented by quantitative data, this article contributes to debates about labor relations and the digitalized "gig" economy in a non-Western context. It provides a novel, in-depth, multisource account of the structure of platform-based business and work experiences in the digitally enabled Kazakh gig economy. Using ethnographic evidence, we offer a detailed analysis of labor conditions from the perspective of platform-based companies and gig workers, identifying resistance and "survival" strategies used to navigate and even challenge the existing system characterized by "algorithmic management" or "algorithm-based" labor relations.

Industrial action in export processing zones challenges the conventions of labour protest. Labour relations in domestic and foreign direct investment enterprises in industrial parks and export processing zones in Ho Chi Minh City were researched in 2018, with findings that divide into two areas of interest: (a) the ways 'innovation' in the economy has affected changes for the subjects involved in labour relations; (b) with strikes being a manifestation of conflict in labour relations, after a period of sharp increase (2011), there has been a decreasing number in recent years, but with changing characteristics. In particular, when a strike occurs now, the trade union which used to be the unique legal representative of all Vietnamese employees is less often favoured, and others are chosen by the employees to negotiate with the business owner. This trend will perhaps be formalized as Vietnam implements international labour–trade union commitments recently adopted.

Abstract
Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations.

Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations.

Parliamentary votes on foreign and security policy have often been demonstrations of patriotism and unity. This resonates with the notion that external relations are exempted from party politics, or that politics stops at the water's edge. Its supranational character makes the European Parliament (EP) a particularly interesting laboratory for subjecting this thesis to empirical scrutiny. Analyzing roll-call votes from 1979 to 2014, this article shows that group cohesion and coalition patterns are no different in external relations votes than in other issue areas. Members of the EP (MEPs) do not rally around a European Union flag, nor do MEPs vote as national blocs in votes on foreign and security policy, trade, and development aid. Based on statistical analyses and interviews with parliamentary civil servants, it concludes that the EP stands out by having party politics dominate all business, including external relations. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

This article analyzes labor conflicts in Chinese trade businesses in Ghana. After introducing the general situation of Chinese trading companies and the labor market in Ghana, I explore the factors that tend to make Chinese-African employment relations in the trading sector dysfunctional and conflict-prone. In a qualitative ethnographic account, I investigate recruitment processes, interpersonal relationships, concepts of authority, and sanctions and incentives, and elaborate on the specificities of diverging interpretations of reciprocity, social roles, practices and related symbolic significations within the interpersonal relations between Chinese employers and Ghanaian employees. I argue that these dimensions of interpersonal relations are crucial for understanding the development of conflict in the economic field analyzed, and also suggest an alternative reading of Chinese-African industrial labor conflicts, which have so far been discussed exclusively in terms of violations of formal regulations by Chinese enterprises, and their exploitative and abusive practices. (China J/GIGA)

Undergraduate business students in North America are often unfamiliar with the labor organizing process and frequently fail to identify with the reasons why workers join unions. This article suggests a discussion exercise based on the 1979 film, Norma Rae, by 20th Century Fox, as an effective tool for familiarizing students with fundamental topics in labor relations such as the union organizing process, union avoidance strategies, and unfair labor practices. In addition, the film and the discussion-based exercise can be used to help students further explore the sources of individual attitudes toward unions, union instrumentality perceptions, union voting intentions, and contemporary issues in private sector labor relations. Collected data show positive responses from students who viewed the movie and participated in the discussion-based exercise. Suggestions are offered for using the film and the discussion-based exercise in the classroom to engage students in the study of labor relations.

"This article explores the political thinking of Taiwanese business people (taishang) and factory managers (taigan) on the Chinese mainland by drawing on qualitative data gathered between 2006 and 2008 in the Pearl River Delta and the Shanghai/ Kunshan metropolitan area. An ideal type of taishang is constructed to explain the major features of their identification with Taiwan, their perspectives on cross-Strait relations, their integration in Chinese society and their self-assessment as political actors in the shaping of cross-Strait relations. An important finding of this study is that the taishang is a rather apolitical figure who does not see much leeway to develop autonomous political leverage. However, this may change gradually as cross-Strait relations have eased significantly since the Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang) came to power in mid-2008 and the governments in Beijing and Taibei have experienced a rapprochement." (author's abstract)

The idea of "financial inclusion," understood as the access to and use of a broad range of retail financial services (including bank accounts, payment services, credit, and insurance) by everyone in society, emerged as a global priority in the late 2000s. Financial inclusion now features prominently in global economic governance and the activities of disparate international organizations, states, businesses, and civil society organizations. This dissertation asks: what explains the origins and evolution of the global financial inclusion agenda? Existing scholarship often emphasizes the interests and power of Western states and businesses, asymmetric debt and power relations, and the centrality of class conflict. In contrast, I offer a more complete explanation by interrogating the agenda's ambiguity and coalitional politics. Ambiguity is typically conceptualized as a tool deliberately used by an entrepreneur for the purpose of expanding support. I introduce the novel concept of participatory ambiguity, defined as the process by which entrepreneurs and coalition members construct multiple cognitive frames around a central idea. In so doing, I theorize how ambiguity is co-produced by disparate actors who use language (or branding) and creative action to legitimate multiple policies and outcomes and secure space for their own interests. I argue that the origins and evolution of the global financial inclusion agenda are best explained by participatory ambiguity and the specific mechanisms of quantification, institutional layering, and coordination effects. Empirically, I draw on more than 70 interviews and archival documents from three countries (Ghana, United Kingdom, United States), as well as quantitative text analysis on an original collection of 49 national strategies. Further, I combine variation in global support for the agenda over time with a "most likely" country case study (Ghana) and "least likely" issue area (humanitarian assistance). My research identifies how ambiguity mitigated coalitional conflict and enabled the incorporation of key constituencies, specifically those associated with global financial security or financial stability. This dissertation thus contributes to constructivist scholarship on the agency and power of global South actors in global politics, as well as research on the role of ideas and ambiguity in coalitional politics.