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Competing ethno-centered strategies over the local fiscal resources can seriously undermine political and economic stability of ethnically diverse societies. This study investigates the causal link between ethnic diversity and local government finances by focusing on the case of Macedonia. In particular, fiscal decentralization is used as a part of broader strategy for prevention and mitigation of inter-ethnic conflicts. The main argument is that low level of political culture and inter-ethnic tensions are frustrating the development of the government policy along a course of decentralization. The study confronts two emerging scenarios regarding decentralization and inter-ethnic relations. The first scenario puts the economic development at the forefront for country's stability and treats decentralisation as a driving force to achieve this goal. Ethnic problems are expected to be solved along this path as rising economic stability reduces the inter-ethnic tensions. In the second scenario, the inter-ethnic stability is the main pillar of the country's stability, which is expected to be accomplished through decentralisation. Adapted from the source document.

Increasing inequality and associated egalitarian sentiments have again put redistribution on the political agenda. Other-regarding preferences may also affect support for redistribution, but knowledge about their distribution in the broader population and how they are associated with political support for redistributive policies is still scarce. In this paper, we take advantage of Swiss direct democracy, where people voted several times on strongly redistributive policies in national plebiscites, to study the link between other-regarding preferences and support for redistribution in a broad sample of the Swiss population. We document that inequality aversion and altruistic concerns play a quantitatively large positive role in the support for redistribution, in particular for more affluent individuals. In addition, previously identified key motives underlying opposition to redistribution – such as the belief that effort is an important driver of individual success – play no role for selfish individuals but are highly relevant for altruistic and egalitarian individuals. Finally, while inequality averse individuals display strong support for policies that primarily aim at reducing the incomes of the rich, altruistic individuals are considerably less supportive of such policies. Thus, knowledge about the fundamental properties and the distribution of individuals' other-regarding preferences also provides a deeper understanding about who is likely to support specific redistributive policies.

Increasing inequality and associated egalitarian sentiments have again put redistribution on the political agenda. Other-regarding preferences may also affect support for redistribution, but knowledge about their distribution in the broader population and how they are associated with political support for redistributive policies is still scarce. In this paper, we take advantage of Swiss direct democracy, where people voted several times on strongly redistributive policies in national plebiscites, to study the link between other-regarding preferences and support for redistribution in a broad sample of the Swiss population. We document that inequality aversion and altruistic concerns play a quantitatively large positive role in the support for redistribution, in particular for more affluent individuals. In addition, previously identified key motives underlying opposition to redistribution – such as the belief that effort is an important driver of individual success – play no role for selfish individuals but are highly relevant for altruistic and egalitarian individuals. Finally, while inequality averse individuals display strong support for policies that primarily aim at reducing the incomes of the rich, altruistic individuals are considerably less supportive of such policies. Thus, knowledge about the fundamental properties and the distribution of individuals' other-regarding preferences also provides a deeper understanding about who is likely to support specific redistributive policies.

Plato'sStatesmanandLawsare usually linked together as "Plato's later political theory." Yet these dialogues offer contradictory descriptions of the relation between law and reason and thus between political science and philosophy. In particular, the Eleatic Stranger of theStatesmanpresents an account of the "second-best" regime that differs from that of the Athenian Stranger in theLaws. The Eleatic Stranger's account of the second-best is wrong; his error follows from his view that politics is insignificant for genuinely human purposes. By comparing human statesmanship to animal herding and explicating its nature through the paradigm of weaving, the Eleatic Stranger contends that the true philosopher is too concerned with individual human natures to care for human collectivities. From his perspective, Socratic or Athenian political philosophy is but sophistry.

Much conceptual confusion exists over the concepts of vulnerability and (social) resilience, reinforced by the different paradigms (the article identifies four) and disciplinary traditions underlying their use. While since the 1980s the social construction of "vulnerability" as a driver for disaster received considerable attention, in recent years we have seen increased attention to people's capacities and resilience. The currently popular "complexity" approach to risk moreover appears to offer ways of breaking through entrenched vulnerabilities. Resilience however is also a political project which, we argue, also has its dark, conservative overtones and overlooks structural sources of vulnerability that continue to affect hazard-prone actors. We may therefore need to conceive resilience as the potential for social transformation after disaster.

Increasing inequality and associated egalitarian sentiments have again put redistribution on the political agenda. Other-regarding preferences may also affect support for redistribution, but knowledge about their distribution in the broader population and how they are associated with political support for redistributive policies is still scarce. In this paper, we take advantage of Swiss direct democracy, where people voted several times on strongly redistributive policies in national plebiscites, to study the link between other-regarding preferences and support for redistribution in a broad sample of the Swiss population. We document that inequality aversion and altruistic concerns play a quantitatively large positive role in the support for redistribution, in particular for more affluent individuals. In addition, previously identified key motives underlying opposition to redistribution - such as the belief that effort is an important driver of individual success - play no role for selfish individuals but are highly relevant for altruistic and egalitarian individuals. Finally, while inequality averse individuals display strong support for policies that primarily aim at reducing the incomes of the rich, altruistic individuals are considerably less supportive of such policies. Thus, knowledge about the fundamental properties and the distribution of individuals' other-regarding preferences also provides a deeper understanding about who is likely to support specific redistributive policies. ; Revised version, December 2021

Der Sammelband bringt interdisziplinär theoretische und empirische Erkenntnisse zu DisAbility und Migration in Bildungskontexten sowie Analysen der Intersektionalität von Behinderung, Migration und Religion in Bildung und Gesellschaft zusammen. Er sucht nach Vernetzungen der Anliegen der Migrationspädagogik, Disability-Studies und Religionspädagogik. Dabei werden Theoretisierungen über Zugehörigkeitsnarrative der Migrationsgesellschaft sowie Partizipationsmöglichkeiten in medizinisch-therapeutischen und pädagogischen Handlungsfeldern vollzogen. Zudem wird nach notwendigen Kompetenzen pädagogisch Handelnder gefragt. Ein besonderes Augenmerk richtet sich auf Forschungskontexte, die Subjektperspektiven von Kindern und Jugendlichen mit Behinderung sowie ihrer Eltern in den Blick nehmen.

"A topical study of crowd dynamics and the relationships of crowds to political power in Tunisia, Libya and Algeria, this book takes predominant crowd theory to task questioning received ideas about 'mob psychology' that remain prevalent today. One central theme of the book is gender, providing an in-depth look at women's participation in the recent uprisings and the subsequent gender-related aspects of political transitions. The social and political dynamics of tribalism and other forms of group belonging are raised in the book, including analysis and discussions with Libyan regional tribal chiefs, Libyan and Tunisian tribal members and citizens regarding their notions of tribal belonging. Crowd language is also central to the book's discussion of how crowds represent themselves, how we as observers represent crowds, and how crowds confront languages of authoritarianism and subjugation. Crowds and Politics in North Africa includes dozens of interviews with crowd participants and key civil society actors from Tunisia, Libya and Algeria. Among these, there are numerous interviews with Benghazi residents, activists and tribal leaders as one of the original case studies in the book is the crowds during and after the attack on the US consular installation in Benghazi Libya. A valuable resource, this book will be of use to students and scholars with an interest in the Middle East and Politics more broadly"--

When David sat down with Senator Kamala Harris (D-CA) in March of 2017, the last thing she wanted to do was discuss whether she would be a candidate for higher office in 2020. Now, as Joe Biden's running mate, she's the first woman of color to be nominated for national office by a major political party. On the first day of the Democratic National Convention, we thought it was fitting to revisit our March 2017 conversation with Senator Harris, in which she and David discussed her personal story, criminal justice reform, adjusting to life in the Senate in the early months of the Trump administration, and more.
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Religionen neigen offensichtlich zur Gewalt. Im Blick auf die aktuelle politische Situation und auf Jan Assmanns These, der Monotheismus sei durch seinen Wahrheitsanspruch besonders gewaltanfällig, untersucht dieser Beitrag das Verhältnis von Religion und Gewalt näher. Zunächst wird mit Hilfe von Luhmanns Machttheorie verdeutlicht, wie religiöse Überzeugungen Gewalt fördern und legitimieren können. Daraufhin werden die notwendigen Voraussetzungen einer gewaltbereiten Religiosität aufgedeckt: (1) die Überzeugung, den Willen Gottes genau zu kennen; (2) die Vorstellung, Gott setze seinen Willen gewaltsam durch; (3) der Anspruch, im Namen dieses Gottes Gewalt anwenden zu müssen. Diesem Verständnis werden Glaubensüberzeugungen gegenübergestellt, die vom Gewaltverzicht und der Barmherzigkeit Gottes ausgehen. Das abschließende Kapitel stellt die Frage, wie sich die religiös begründete Ablehnung religiöser Gewalt durchsetzen kann, obwohl der Diskurs über den rechten Glauben in den Religionen selbst unter Einsatz von Macht und Gewalt geführt wird.It appears that religion tends to violence. Current political conflicts and Jan Assmann's theory about the link between monotheism and violence seem to confirm this thesis. Against this background, my contribution is looking for the exact relationship between religion and violence. Utilizing Luhmann's theory of power, I show how religious beliefs can change the distribution of power in real conflicts. These beliefs are themselves able to promote and to legitimate violence. Furthermore, I discuss the theological preconditions of a religious willingness to accept the use of violence. These are: (1) the conviction to know God's will precisely; (2) the belief that God implements his will by violence; (3) the idea that believers are allowed and obliged to use violence in the name of God. But there are contradictingconcepts of God within all the monotheistic religions. Here, mercy is the most important attribute of God, which is why God renounces his power and might. To overcome the violent forms of religion, we need to change the concept of a violent God. Finally, in the last chapter, I look for strategiesfor implementing the concept of a non‐violent God given that religious institutions themselves foster religious violence.