Suchergebnisse

Current approaches to the social history of antisemitism differ from the socioeconomic emphasis fashionable in the 1970s and early 1980s in abandoning the often sterile search for the economic causes of antisemitism, acknowledging instead that antisemitic activities are to a great extent products independent of socioeconomic conditions. A close reading of the local political history of Breslau in Imperial Germany provides an illustration of the complex and multi-layered process that produces antisemitism. The paper is divided into four parts: first, the author briefly outlines the political history of Breslau, the second largest city in Prussia; second, he analyzes how antisemites successfully translated into practice their demand for the suspension of Jewish immigration; third, the author discusses the unsuccessful campaign by Breslau antisemites to exclude Jewish teachers form state schools; and fourth, it is argued that antisemites remained marginalised in local politics because of their failure to articulate their demands in accordance with the specific rhetorical rules of 'apolitical' local politics. ; Current approaches to the social history of antisemitism differ from the socioeconomic emphasis fashionable in the 1970s and early 1980s in abandoning the often sterile search for the economic causes of antisemitism, acknowledging instead that antisemitic activities are to a great extent products independent of socioeconomic conditions. A close reading of the local political history of Breslau in Imperial Germany provides an illustration of the complex and multi-layered process that produces antisemitism. The paper is divided into four parts: first, the author briefly outlines the political history of Breslau, the second largest city in Prussia; second, he analyzes how antisemites successfully translated into practice their demand for the suspension of Jewish immigration; third, the author discusses the unsuccessful campaign by Breslau antisemites to exclude Jewish teachers form state schools; and fourth, it is argued that antisemites remained marginalised in local politics because of their failure to articulate their demands in accordance with the specific rhetorical rules of 'apolitical' local politics.

By analysing how unauthorized Mexicans compare with seven other ethno'racial groups in Los Angeles County, separately and collectively, by educational attainment and time spent in the US, we find that unauthorized Mexicans had relatively fewer years of formal education (either in the US or in Mexico) and had been in the US a relatively fewer number of years than in‐migrants of other ethno‐racial backgrounds in 1990. These findings are then used as proxies to compare the human capital endowments of different ethno‐racial groups. We next estimate the number of unauthorized Mexicans by occupation, industry and class of workers, and compare these distributions with the total labour force and with the other ethno‐racial groups in Los Angeles County. To the extent that unauthorized Mexicans are found to be substitutes (complements) in the labour market, they can be expected to be a valid (invalid) empirical source of social tension and hence contemporary restrictionist immigration policy sentiment. Results show that amounts of human capital are positively related to the kinds of occupations filled. Analysis of the percentage of discordant pairs shows that unauthorized Mexicans are found to be most dissimilar (potential complements) to non‐Latino (1) Anglos; (2) Blacks; (3) American Indians, Aleuts, and Eskimos; and (4) Asians and Pacific Islanders. Results also show that those ethno‐racial groups most similar to (potential substitutes for) unauthorized Mexicans are (1) legal Mexican in‐migrants and (2) other Latino foreign‐born persons (both authorized and unauthorized). The ethno‐racial group which falls into the intermediate realm of (dis)similarity is US‐born Mexican. Consequently, for most persons residing in Los Angeles County the rise of restrictionist immigrant sentiment is not consistent with their labour market experiences, and restrictionist immigration policy, to the extent it is based on a labour market competition assumptions, may not be justified.

The basic assumption of this paper is that labor markets are structured by various characteristics. Not all groups of the population do have equal access to the labor market. Additionally, citizenship and national origin ("ethnicity") influence the employees' positioning within the labor market. In the United States, which views itself as a country of immigration, the ethnicization of particular sectors of the labor market as well as the development of "ethnic enclaves" and the development of the affiliated "ethnic businesses" have been analyzed for a number of years. The discussion will be drawn out on the basis of the related scientific literature to date. What models and theoretical jumping-off points have characterized the topic of "Ethnicity and Labor Markets" in the American literature and to what degree was (and is) ethnicity seen as a formative characteristic of American labor markets? This paper briefly discusses American migration policy, and then moves to a retrospective look at the beginnings of the migration debate and its development through the 1980s. The evaluation of the most recent literature (after 1990) focuses more closely on the immigration metropolis of New York City. In the conclusion, the various lines of argument used in the discussion will be brought together. The applicability of these concepts to the European context is also discussed. ; Arbeitsmärkte sind keine einheitlichen Gebilde, sondern durch verschiedene Merkmale strukturiert; der Zugang zum Arbeitsmarkt ist nicht für alle in einem Lande lebenden Bevölkerungsgruppen der gleiche und die Staatszugehörigkeit bzw. die nationale Herkunft ("Ethnizität") von ArbeitnehmerInnen wirkt sich auf deren Positionierung innerhalb des Arbeitsmarktes aus. In den USA, dem eigenen Selbstverständnis nach ein Einwanderungsland, wird die Ethnisierung von bestimmten Bereichen des Arbeitsmarktes sowie die Entwicklung von "ethnischen Enklaven" und des hieran gekoppelten "ethnic business" seit vielen Jahren analysiert. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird diese Diskussion anhand der hierzu erschienenen wissenschaftlichen Publikationen nachgezeichnet. Mit welchen Modellen und theoretischen Ansätzen wurde das Thema "Ethnizität und Arbeitsmärkte" der amerikanischen Literatur analysiert und inwiefern wurde (und wird) Ethnizität als ein die amerikanischen Arbeitsmärkte strukturierendes Merkmal ausgewiesen? Nach einer Skizze der amerikanischen Migrationspolitik werden zunächst die Anfänge der Debatte und deren Weiterentwicklung bis zu den 90er Jahren referiert. Die Auswertung der neuesten Literatur (ab 1990) zum Thema konzentriert sich auf die Einwanderungsmetropole New York City. In der Zusammenfassung werden die verschiedenen Argumentationslinien der Diskussion zusammengeführt und es wird nach der Übertragbarkeit der Konzepte auf den europäischen Kontext gefragt.

A subpopulation of western grey kangaroos (Macropus fuliginosus) living in a 305-ha remnant of
wandoo woodland in the mediterranean climate of the south-west of Western Australia was studied
for 10 years. Measurements and estimates were made of a wide range of population characteristics
including population size, composition, reproductive rate, emigration and immigration rates and
death rates. Growth rates of males and females were established and yearly differences in nutritional
status assessed.
The population increased over four years from 146 � 22 to a plateau of around 200 before being
culled to 95. The numbers then increased slowly over another six years to 158 individuals. The
population had an average of 46 adult males per 100 adult females. Subadults plus juveniles made up
10-36% of the population, depending on the year. Breeding was seasonal, being earlier in years with
early autumn rain. Reproductive rate was higher, overall, in these years. Females became sexually
mature at about 16 kg, their reproductive rate increased with weight until they reached 24 kg; 91% of
adult females over 24 kg had pouch young annually. Mortality of young appeared to be high, and to
be the factor regulating the population. On average, only 27% of young survived the first year after
leaving the pouch. Emigration rate was estimated to exceed immigration by 5% per annum. The
estimated mortality rate of adults was 5% per annum.
The nutritional status of individuals varied from year to year; within a year, only females were
heavier in early summer than in later summer. It was concluded from faecal nitrogen levels that nitrogen
was not a major factor influencing nutritional status in summer.
Fifteen years after this remnant woodland was established by clearing, the subpopulation of
kangaroos living in it appeared to be relatively stable in numbers, and certainly was not showing the
marked fluctuations known to occur in semi-arid areas of Australia.

The State and the Immigrants : France, Germany, Great-Britain and the United States. - This article compares the policies adopted by three European countries (France, Germany and Great-Britain) and the United States towards immigration. It analyses the impact of these policies on the acculturation of immigrants and on their integration into the larger society. Nation states have different policies of education, housing, political participation and especially of juridiction concerning associational life and citizenship. Their political traditions are different too. The immigrants are also not the same, neither in their cultural background, nor in their historical relationship to the host society. History explains for a large extent the immigration policy of these countries. Even if the wishes of governments might differ, the question is whether the actual social realities in each country are not much more similar to each other than the governments might wish. Does the American example provide insights into the future of foreign populations in Europe. Does the present situation lead to a status of ethnic minority on the American model, or does it constitute an intermediary stage before the " melting pot ". ; A partir de l'exemple comparé de trois pays européens (France, Allemagne et Grande-Bretagne) et des Etats-Unis, cet article analyse les points communs et les différences dans les politiques publiques à l'égard des immigrés et leurs effets sur l'acculturation et les modalités d'intégration de ces populations dans la société globale. Les Etats nationaux adoptent des politiques différentes en ce qui concerne l'enseignement, le logement, la participation politique, en particulier à travers les lois sur les associations, et la nationalité. Les traditions politiques sont également différentes. Les populations immigrées diffèrent aussi par leur culture d'origine et leurs relations historiques avec les sociétés d'accueil. L'histoire explique pour une large part la différence des politiques suivies à l'égard des ...

Europe and America : a Comparative Analysis of Ethnicity.
Donald L. HOROWITZ
Societies and polities differ in the extent to which they divide ethnic groups into natives and immigrants. In some states, indigenousness creates strong claims to priority, whereas in others yesterday's immigrants can become today's natives. In the United States, despite massive immigration, the category of « immigrant » is shrinking. Citizenship is liberally available by naturalization and by jus soli. In Germany, by contrast, citizenship is acquired on a jus sanguinis basis ; naturalization is rare ; even third generation Turks are often considered « immigrants ». Whereas to be American has little to do with blood, to be German means to be a Germon citizen and a member ofthe German ethnic group. On all of these dimensions, France and Britain are in-between. There is some genetic content to being French or British, but immigrants can, to some extent, become French or British. Although France, unlike Britain, is traditionally a country of immigration, both have had difficulty absorbing migrants from Asia and Africa.
Education and housing policies affecting minorities vary from country to country. In Germany and America, both federal states, education is less uniform and more subject to local control than in France and Britain. In France and America, the schools have been traditional facilitators of immigrant acculturation and social mobility. In parts of Germany, schools have emphasized preparation of immigrant children for a return to the home country that seems unlikely. Germany has no housing policy targeted at minorities, who tend to live in poorer conditions than Germans do. Despite the absence of a policy in Britain, minority housing conditions have improved steadily. American policies have improved the access of middle-class minority group members to good housing but have done little for members of the lower class. Overall, there is no clear relation between ethnic policies and the conditions in which the minorities find themselves.

Immigration into the U.S. from countries in Latin and Asia is rapidly changing the ethnic and demographic composition of American cities. In Los Angeles alone, the Hispanic 1 population grew from 18 percent of the city's total population in 1970 to 28 percent in 1980. The Asian population, while smaller in total size, rose from 5 percent in 1970 to 7 percent in 1980. As the new wave of immigrants grows in size, much attention in both the academic community as well as the mass public is being devoted to their impact on the social and political composition of the communities in which they reside. In terms of political development, the new wave immigrants pose new questions for research on ethnic politics. Most salient of these are the following: what form of political empowerment will take place in these ethnic communities? How adequate is the political assimilation model posed by Robert Dahl (1961) or the political incorporation model posed by Browning, Tabb and Marshall (1984) in explaining the political behavior of these ethnic groups? Moreover, given that new wave immigration is highly concentrated in American cities where Black Americans have come to constitute both sizeable proportions of the population and political office holding , what impact will the growing presence of new immigrants have on Black political development? In order to address some of these concerns, this paper examines the political behavior of the Asian, Black, and Hispanic communities of Los Angeles in a comparative context. Attention is focused on the following issues: 1) the extent to which each group forms an ethnic voting bloc in the city 2) differences in comparative levels of local political involvement and the forces responsible, and 3) the potential for inter-ethnic coalition building among Asians, Blacks and Hispanics. Moreover, the work assesses the adequacy of the Dahl ethnic political assimilation model in explaining the political experiences of these new wave immigrants and discusses the nature and level of political incorporation developing within each group.

Cette recherche en géographie historique, en Guyane Britannique au dix‐neuvième siécle, étudie les raisons qui ont amené un groupe d' immigrants Portugais de Madère à dominer le commerce au détail à la fin de l' esclavage. Un recours à la théorie d' une société pluraliste nous indique la marche à suivre pour expliquer le 'pourquoi' de cette domination. Certains indices orientèrent notre recherche.Nous nous sommes demandés 'pour qui' cette société pluraliste était‐elle si nécessaire et qui d'autres, en plus de Portugais, bénéficiaient de ce contrôle du commerce au détail. Nous avons la preuve évidente que les Portugais avaient reçu l'appui de l'élite europiéne, d'autre part les planteurs avaient tout intérêt à garder les Noirs comme ouvriers sur leurs plantations, les privant ainsi de leurs droits. Une importante immigration de main‐d'euvre indienne engagée sous contract et l'appui des planteurs permit à l'élite de maintenir son contrôle de la colonie en établissant et en perpétuant les divisions ethniques sur les plans économique, social et géographique.The central questions of this research on the historical geography of nineteenth‐century British Guiana are how and why an immigrant group from Madeira (the Portuguese) came to dominate the post‐emancipation retail trade of the colony. A recourse to plural‐society theory suggested where one should inquire. By asking for 'whom' the creation of a plural society was so necessary; and 'who' else, besides the Portuguese, benefited from Portuguese control of the retail trade, one received sufficient clues and direction to know where to look. Evidence was uncovered which established that the Portuguese initially received help from the European elite. This support and substantial indentured immigration from India enabled the elite to maintain its control of the colony by establishing and perpetuating ethnic divisions in the colony's economy, society, and geography.

Treball de Fi de Màster en Criminologia i Execució Penal. Curs 2021-2022 ; Tutores: María Contreras Román y Elena Larrauri Pijoan ; Este trabajo se centra en una de las manifestaciones de la creciente confluencia entre el derecho penal y el control migratorio: la construcción de las expulsiones de extranjeros delincuentes y peligrosos como una institución necesaria para la seguridad pública. En España, la política migratoria y las reformas legislativas de los últimos quince años apuntan a una reorientación del objetivo del dispositivo de expulsiones del inmigrante ilegal al extranjero delincuente, lo que el Ministerio del Interior define como una expulsión 'cualificada'. Esta supuesta selectividad del sistema hacia los delincuentes es logísticamente útil, políticamente atractiva, y supone que estas expulsiones son más legítimas y justas que las deportaciones por mera estancia irregular. El objetivo de este trabajo es doble. Por una parte pretende acercarse a la realidad práctica de las expulsiones 'cualificadas' para entender si son realmente tan selectivas hacia los 'delincuentes' como las presenta el Ministerio de Interior en sus informes. Por otra parte, cuestiona el principio fundamental de esta selectividad - que las deportaciones tienen que enfocarse en los extranjeros que el sistema penal ha identificado como 'delincuentes'. ; This article focuses on one of the manifestations of the growing confluence between the criminal system and immigration control: the construction of the deportation of criminal and dangerous foreigners as a necessary institution for public security. In Spain, the immigration policy and the legislative reforms of the last fifteen years point to a reorientation of the target of the deportation operative from the illegal immigrant to the criminal immigrant, what the Ministry of Interior defines as "qualified" deportation. This supposed selectivity of the system towards criminals is logistically useful, politically attractive, and supposes that these deportations are more legitimate and ...

A través del estudio de dos casos, este artículo procura identificar las disímiles posturas a que dio lugar, en el seno de la elite intelectual y político-educativa santafesina decimonónica finisecular, la difícil relación entre inmigración y nación. En los momentos en que en el país se afianzaban las tendencias proclives a la nacionalización de los extranjeros a través de la educación, y en que la provincia de Santa Fe -repleta de inmigrantes- experimentaba una crisis política que ponía sobre el tapete algunos riesgos impensados de la presencia inmigratoria, Gabriel Carrasco y Gregorio Romero desempeñaron puestos claves dentro del sistema educativo provincial. Por medio del análisis de sus acciones,discursos y escritos, se busca establecer cuál fue la posición que estos dos intelectuales comprometidos con la educación de las nuevas generaciones adoptaron, frente a una nacionalidad que, de pronto, aparecía amenazada. ; Through the study of two cases, this article seeks to identify the dissimilar positions that resulted, within the intellectual and political-educational elite of Santa Fe at the ending of the nineteenth century, the difficult relationship between immigration and nation. In the moments when the country prone tendencies to nationalize foreign through education, and the province of Santa Fe –full of immigrants- experienced a political crisis that revealed some surprising risks of immigration presence, Gabriel Carrasco y Gregorio Romero play important positions within the provincial education system. Through the analysis of their actions, speeches and writings, it seeks to establish what was the position that these two intellectuals committed to the education of new generations adopted, against a nationality that, suddenly, appeared threatened. ; Fil: Micheletti, María Gabriela. Unidades En Red - Conicet Instituto de Históricos,económicos, Sociales E Internacionales. Instituto de Historia - Nodo Ih - Idehesi; Argentina

"Polish Immigrant Organisations in Germany examines the situation of Polish immigrant organisations in Germany"--

How does justice for non-citizens look like? This book provides a nuanced cross-section of how criminal courts deliver justice to non-citizens, investigating rationales and purposes of penal power directed at foreign defendants. It examines how lack of citizenship alters the contours of justice, creating a different system oriented at control and exclusion of non-members. Drawing on ethnographic research in an Italian criminal court, the book details how citizenship and national belonging not only matter, but are matters reproduced, elaborated, and negotiated throughout the judicial process, exploring the implications of this development for the understanding of penal power and the role of criminal courts. Set in the context of the growing intersection between migration control and penal power, Delivering Justice to Non-Citizens explores whether and how instances of border control have seeped into judicial practices. In doing so, it fills a significant gap in the scholarship on border criminology by considering a rather unexplored actor in the field of migration studies: criminal courts. Based on a year of courtroom ethnography in Turin, Delivering Justice to Non-Citizens relies on interviews with courtroom actors, courthouse observations, analysis of court files, together with local media analysis, to provide a vivid image of judicial practices towards foreign defendants in a medium-size criminal court. It considers and balances the distinctive traits of the local context with ongoing global processes and transformations and adds much needed insights into how global processes impact local realities and how the local, in turn, adjusts to global challenges. Through instances of everyday justice, the book calls attention to how migration control has silently seeped into the judicial realm. The book will be of interest to students and academics in sociology, criminology, law, penology, and migration studies. It will also be an important reading for legal practitioners, magistrates, and other law enforcement authorities.

"This book provides a broad geopolitical and legal analysis of the longer-term dispute between the Belarusian regime and the European Union, played out through conflict on the Polish-Belarusian border, which started in 2021. Although Poland finds itself at the center of this conflict, the book covers all countries whose territorial integrity has been affected, revealing a Belarusian regime taking advantage of the refugee crisis as a tool of hybrid warfare for destabilizing the political situation. As such, it also examines the role of Russia and its influence by means of its Belarusian neighbor, exposing the underlying motivations and mechanisms used by the Lukashenko regime towards the European community. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Central and Eastern European politics, EU politics, migration politics/studies, global governance, human rights, crisis management and, more broadly, to international relations, security studies, and international law"--

"Digital media are a key part of everyday social life for international migrants. Yet, we don't know how these migrants understand and cope with the cultures and infrastructures of ubiquitous connectivity while on the move. Social Media in the Lives of Young Connected Migrants explores and theorises what it means for young migrants to live in a digital age. Presenting a richly detailed analysis of Chinese international students' everyday social media practices, the book unravels the meanings of digital connectivity in general and how contemporary mobile young generations respond to such changes. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data, this book highlights the enabling aspects of connective media in migration journeys and shows how and why young Chinese migrants manage or even resist being connected. With close attention to the diasporic, intercultural, family, and professional migrant identities and relationships, the author provides a nuanced account of living with digital media in everyday settings. Focusing on the boundary practices associated with social media, the book offers a unique analytical framework through which to capture the complex intersections of digital communication technologies and migrant social life. This volume will appeal to students and scholars interested in researching Chinese diasporas, digital migration, and youth cultures"--

"This book addresses the hidden dynamics of race within the European Union. Brexit supporters' frequent targeting of European Union (EU) movers, especially those from Central and Eastern Europe, has been popularly assumed as at odds with the EU project's foundations based on equality and inclusion. This book dispels that notion. By interrogating the history, wording, omissions, assumptions and applications of laws, policies and discourses pertinent to mobility and equality, the argument developed throughout the book is that the parameters of CEE nationals' status within the EU have been closely circumscribed, in line with the entrenched historical positioning of the west as superior to the east. Engaging current legal, economic, political and moral issues--against the backdrop of Brexit and contestations over EU integration and globalisation--this work opens avenues of thought to better understand law's role in producing and sustaining social stratifications. Europe is a postcolonial space, as this book demonstrates. By addressing fractures within the construct of whiteness that are based on ethnicity, class and migrant status, the book also provides a theoretically nuanced, and politically useful, understanding of contemporary European racisms. This book will appeal to scholars, students and others interested in migration, EU integration and EU citizenship, equality law, race and ethnicity, social policy, and postcolonialism"--