Suchergebnisse

Lo scopo della tesi è quello di ricostruire il quadro dei processi che hanno condotto alla concessione della devolution agli enti sub-statali del Regno Unito fino ai più recenti sviluppi. La devolution è un meccanismo che comporta il trasferimento di poteri legislativi ed esecutivi a entità territoriali minori che fanno parte di uno Stato. Il Regno Unito si è trovato a riconoscere, con le riforme degli anni Novanta, una maggiore autonomia a Scozia, Irlanda del Nord e Galles. In ciascuna area, la ripartizione delle competenze è stata realizzata in modo asimmetrico, tenendo conto delle peculiarità territoriali, politiche e culturali di ciascuna nazione. La Brexit ha messo in luce alcune criticità del sistema che la concessione di competenze legislative ed esecutive aveva in parte sopito, le quali rischiano di guidare il Regno Unito verso la disgregazione. The purpose of this work is to reconstruct the framework of the processes that led to the granting of the devolution to the sub-state entities of the United Kingdom up to the most recent developments. Devolution is a mechanism that involves the transfer of legislative and executive powers to minor territorial entities that are part of a state. The reforms of the 1990s led the United Kingdom to the granting of a greater autonomy to Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales. In each area, the division of competences was carried out in an asymmetrical way, taking into account the territorial, political and cultural peculiarities of each nation. Brexit has highlighted some critical issues of the system that the granting of legislative and executive powers had partly allayed, which can lead the United Kingdom towards disintegration.

The formulation of the national idea takes place in the context of a sharp escala­tion of the struggle for power as a result of the transition to a multipolar world, a fundamental slowdown in demographic and economic growth, the beginning of the second global disintegration cycle and the end of the five-hundred-year domination of the West. Russia developed Siberia, but was at the same time a product of it. Probably, the national character and the national idea were largely formed by centuries of moving to the Pacific. Without Siberia, the coun­try would now occupy the same modest place other metropolises of former co­lonial empires do. National idea should be inspired by the independence of thoughts and the spirit of the pioneers. The large-scale projects which form large-scale personalities to prevent the spread of ignorance and a learned-out helplessness are necessary for the development of the country. The L.N. Gu­milev's geographic-psychological concept gains in this context special interest. "The saving of the people" should have not only the demographic but also the energetic dimension. Gumilev's concept is meant to restore the position of the natural sciences in the formation of the scientific view of the world which sees humanity as a part of nature with special qualities. It is also necessary to re­think the position of V.I. Vernadsky about the organization of the learning people in the context of the mobilization model of the development of society. The es­sence of this model should be the mobilization model of education, which should be considered as the basis of the national idea.

The UK's departure from the EU represents a unique process of disintegration that fundamentally changes EU–UK relations. This paper discusses the nature of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) as the new basis of EU–UK relations, as well as its sustainability, legitimacy and effectiveness. It finds a thin and unfinished relationship with inbuilt possibility for better or for worse, but with politics pointing to growing estrangement and divergence over time. The loss of trust over the last five years has been bleeding into all levels of the relationship, raising the question whether the technocratic governance structure can work in the high-friction context of EU–UK relations. Given the UK's economic and political weight in Europe, the paper looks at the implications for differentiation within the EU and between the EU and third countries. It illustrates how the introduction of a new mode of external differentiation in Europe – a former member state with no intention of membership in the future – impacts existing modes of differentiation. It finds that the reality of Brexit suggests a more hard-line approach towards third countries, sending the message to members and non-members alike that membership matters. Flexibilities are thus a benefit for EU member states that have signed up to the EU's core principles in full. The paper concludes that the EU needs to stay attentive to evolving perceptions of Brexit, and show that EU membership remains attractive, also for candidate countries, and is a relevant framework for dealing with global challenges that cannot effectively be addressed at the national level.

Climate interventions with solar geoengineering could reduce climate damages if deployed in a globally coordinated regime. In the absence of such a regime, however, strategic incentives of single actors might result in detrimental outcomes. A well-known concern is that a 'free-driver' (Weitzman, ML. A voting architecture for the governance of free-driver externalities, with application to geoengineering. Scand J Econ 2015;117:1049–68), the country with the strongest preference for cooling, might unilaterally set the global thermostat to its preferred level, thus imposing damages on others. Governance structures, i.e. more or less formal institutional arrangements between countries, could steer the decentralized geoengineering deployment towards the preferable global outcome. In this paper, we show that the coalition formation literature can make a valuable contribution to assessing the relative merit of different governance schemes. An important feature of the coalition formation literature is the sophisticated dynamic structure. A country pondering whether to leave a coalition anticipates that its departure could spark another process of disintegration among the remaining members of that coalition, which in turn may affect the assessment of whether leaving the coalition is worthwhile in the first place. This dynamic structure thus enables a more realistic picture of what coalitions are likely to form and remain stable. A second important feature of coalition formation models is wide control over the 'rules of the game', for instance, which agents need to consent to a transition from one coalitional arrangement to another. This control over the institutional setting allows consistently comparing and discussing various international governance arrangements. ; ISSN:2634-4068

Biological control, or biocontrol, is the exploitation of living agents (incl. viruses) to combat pestilential organisms (incl. pathogens, pests, and weeds) for diverse purposes to provide human benefits. Thus, during the last century the practices and concepts involved have evolved in separate streams associated with distinct scientific and taxonomic disciplines. In parallel developments, there have been increasing references to biological control in industrial contexts and legislation, resulting in conceptual and terminological disintegration. The aim of this paper is to provide a global conceptual and terminological platform that facilitates future development of the field. We review use of previously suggested terms in key fields (e.g., phytopathology, entomology, and weed science), eliminate redundant terminology, identify three principles that should underpin the concept, and then present a new framework for biological control, rooted in seminal publications. The three principles establish that (1) only living agents can mediate biological control, (2) biological control always targets a pest, directly or indirectly, and (3) all biocontrol methods can be classified in four main categories depending on whether resident agents are utilized, with or without targeted human intervention (conservation biological control and natural biological control, respectively) or agents are added for permanent or temporary establishment (classical biological control and augmentative biological control, respectively). Correct identification of what is, and is not, biological control can help efforts to understand and optimize biological pest control for human and environmental benefits. The new conceptual framework may contribute to more uniform and appropriate regulatory approaches to biological control, and more efficient authorization and application of biocontrol products.

This study aims to analyze the performance of the Directorate of Regional Arrangement, Special Autonomy, and the Regional Autonomy Advisory Council in fostering and supervising the implementation of special autonomy in Papua, analyzing the supporting factors and obstacles to the performance of the guidance and supervision carried out by the directorate as well as analyzing the strategy of guidance and supervision in the administration of local government. Special autonomy in Papua. Descriptive qualitative research design through an inductive approach. Data obtained from observation, documentation, and interviews with key informants were then analyzed using triangulation to analyze supporting and inhibiting factors and strategies, used SWOT Matrix and Litmus Test. Based on the results of data analysis, it is concluded that; (1) the directorate's performance in fostering and supervising the administration of the particular autonomous regional government in Papua has not been optimal; (2) performance supporting factors. Namely, organizational legality, human resources, leadership commitment, inter-institutional linkages, national priorities and access to coordination communication as well as performance inhibiting factors, namely, limiting regulations, limited funding, differences in employee orientation, national disintegration, 'span' of control which is far away, and the commitment between stakeholders is not optimal and; (3) the strategy resulting from this research is the "K5" strategy, namely strengthening in terms of Institutional, Communication, Coordination, HR Quality, and IT Quality. From this conclusion, the researcher provides suggestions, namely restructuring the directorate, preparing guidance and supervision instruments in the implementation of Papua's special autonomy, expanding cooperation networks or partnerships with stakeholders, developing digital-based information systems, facilitating employees to attend training or workshops, and a commitment to realizing the "K5" strategy.

The population of Kediri, especially the City of Kediri, is Muslim. Meanwhile, Christians, Catholics, Hindus, Buddhists, Confucians, and Adherents of faith developed quite significantly. This can be seen from the number of adherents, places of worship, and their activity in interfaith organizations. Therefore, to anticipate the spread of SARA issues and the threat of national disintegration, the government then formed FKUB (Forum for Religious Harmony). FKUB Kediri City was formed since 2000 which consists of 6 elements of religion, namely; Islam, Hinduism, Catholicism, Christianity, Buddhism, Confucianism.This study aims to: (1) determine the role of the Inter-religious Harmony Forum (FKUB) in the City of Kediri; and (2) knowing the role of the Inter-Religious Harmony Forum (FKUB) in efforts to overcome the emergence of socio-religious conflicts in Kediri City. Based on the calculation of the sampling technique, the number of research samples was 150 respondents. Data analysis techniques include descriptive and quantitative with simple linear regression analysis.The results showed that the average score of respondents' answers ranged from a score of 4, meaning that the equality of religious communities in Kediri City has been well established; the average score of respondents' answers ranged from a score of 3, meaning that the cooperation of religious communities in the city of Kediri has been established quite well; the average score of respondents' answers ranged from a score of 4, meaning that the policies made by the FKUB in the City of Kediri have been running well; the average score of respondents' answers ranged from a score of 2, meaning that there was no conflict between religious communities in the city of Kediri.

CC BY-NC-ND ; This paper is aimed at studying the impact of economic globalization on the financial policy of Kazakhstan. The relevance of this study is conditioned by the problems of implementing financial policy for the modern economy of Kazakhstan, the underdevelopment of the financial and banking systems, and the low level of monetization (45%, with a threshold for food security at 75%). This study uses the methods of analysis, synthesis, and analogy, which allow for a comprehensive study of the models of financial market regulation. Using the comparative research method, the regulation of the research object in the national system of Kazakhstan, in other countries of the region, and at the international level is compared. This paper presents the main trends in the functioning of financial systems at the international, regional, and national levels. The integration of the banking sector is classified according to the degree of development of integration processes in the financial sphere. These processes include: offensive credit integration; protective financial integration; preparatory (pre-integration); and disintegration. This study reveals that Kazakhstan is making attempts to introduce the conceptual provisions of Asian neo-industrial countries both to modernize the national economy and the financial sphere and to actively engage in regional and world financial markets and flows. It is determined that a consolidated (integrated) model of financial market regulation functions in Kazakhstan, and its advantages and disadvantages are noted. The study of the features of the financial market regulation models in other countries under the influence of globalization trends makes it possible to determine measures to improve the financial market regulation of Kazakhstan.

Background: Disordered gambling can have serious negative consequences for the individual and those around them. Previous research has indicated that disordered gamblers are at an increased risk of suicidal thoughts, ideation and attempts. The current study sought to utilise data from a clinical sample to identify factors that are associated with prior suicide attempts. Methods: The sample included 621 patients entering a gambling-specific residential facility in the UK. A series of Chi-Square analyses and binary logistic regressions were run to identify clinical and sociodemographic variables associated with suicide attempts. Results: Of the 20 variables analysed using Chi-square statistics, five were significantly associated with the outcome variable (lifetime attempted suicide): loss of family relationships, loss of home, prior depression, prior suicidal thoughts, and medication use. Regression analysis showed that individuals were more likely to have reported suicide attempts if they had experienced loss of family relationships (1.65 times), loss of a home (1.87 times), prior depression (3.2 times), prior suicidal thoughts (6.14 times), or were taking medication (1.95 times) compared to those not reporting such individual events. Conclusions: Disordered gamblers are vulnerable to suicide; a number of factors have been identified in the current study that predict an increased likelihood of attempted suicide. The factors mainly revolve around loss: not financial loss, but rather disintegration of an individual's support network and deterioration in the individual's mental health. Findings indicate that isolation and negative affect associated with gambling are most influential in attempted suicide and should therefore be more strongly considered when creating and providing the legislative, educational and treatment environments for those experiencing gambling related harm.

AbstractIn the contemporary northern Baltic Sea area, there are two states, Finland and Estonia, in which a western Uralic language has an official status. Several Finnic minority languages are or used to be spoken in the adjacent areas in the contact zone of Baltic, Germanic and Slavic languages. Historically, the north-eastern surroundings of the Gulf of Finland reflect a gradual spread of the language area during the past millennium and especially the late Middle Ages, while more southern areas in contemporary Estonia, and its eastern neighbourhood in Russia show longer continuity of language borders. The Finnic languages were used predominantly orally until very recently, whereas written language began to affect non-standard varieties more strongly only in the 19th and 20th centuries. The diversification of the Finnic languages in the Northeastern Baltic Sea area involves both integration and disintegration of mutually closely related varieties. This article focuses on i) the variability of changes and their correlation with emerging divergence between Finnic languages, ii) local language contacts during the late Middle Ages and the Early Modern age, and iii) the rate of linguistic change. The external powers affecting the diversity between the Finnic languages include the settling of early Swedish, German and Slavic centres among or in the vicinity of Finnic communities, the policies of medieval Catholic and Orthodox church, the extension of the trading networks of the Hanseatic League, wars and conflicts between dominant political powers in the east and west, as well as the gradual establishment of political borders. I will suggest that all these factors have played a role in the rate of both lexical and grammatical change.

This article comprises a study of the negotiation of the Commission's proposal for amending Regulation (EC) No 883/2004 on the coordination of social security systems and Regulation (EC) No 987/2009 in the context of EU integration theories. This analysis is used to argue that the current integration stage in the coordination of social security is a complex phenomenon which displays elements of intergovernmentalism, neo-functionalism and post-functionalism. The negotiation process highlights the disagreements between the key players which may have important consequences for the future of EU regulation in the area of coordination of social security. The article concludes that the signs of intergovernmentalism are prevalent, as evident in the attention the Commission has given to the concerns of the Member States, the negotiating position of the Council, and the vote of the European Parliament which failed to approve the proposal at the first reading. This prevalence has led to a pause in the reform of the coordination regulations and may eventually lead to compromises that will weaken the progress of integration in the future. At the same time, the article argues that the theory of post-functionalism is important in explaining the phenomenon of Brexit with regard to the UK's position in the negotiation of the Commission's proposal and its future relevance for UK and EU citizens affected by the UK's departure from the EU. The article concludes that disintegration along the lines of post-functionalism should not prevent the reintegration of the UK into the EU coordination of social security schemes, but may reinforce the prevalence of intergovernmentalism.

In December 2019 a new self-proclaimed "civil movement" went online: "Die Österreicher" consider itself as a "patriotic collective movement" and seem to emerge from the disintegration of the "Identitäre Bewegung Österreichs". Based on the extreme right-wing intentions of its precursor, this paper attends to analyze the structure and design, framing and language use of the website of "Die Österreicher". While a structural analysis examines the composition and visual presentation of the online presence, a frame analysis identifies recurring interpretative patterns in the strategy sheet and the campaigns. By conducting a linguistic analysis, the language use of "Die Österreicher" is also examined in the various contents of the website and analyzed for particularities and stylistic devices. In the course of the frame analysis, central interpretation schemes could be identified, among them the hazard, priority and safety frame. Finally, regarding the central concerns and political strategies, the great similarity to the "Identitäre Bewegung Österreichs" is shown however, the "Die Österreicher" turns to a new audience in a less actionist and more conservative and ambivalent guise. ; Im Dezember 2019 ging eine neue selbsternannte "Bürgerbewegung" online: "Die Österreicher" versteht sich als eine "patriotische Sammelbewegung" und scheint aus dem offenbaren Zerfall der "Identitären Bewegung Österreichs" hervorzugehen. Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich der Analyse von Aufbau und Gestaltung, Framing sowie Sprachgebrauch der Website von "Die Österreicher". Während in einer Strukturanalyse die Zusammensetzung und visuelle Aufbereitung des Online-Auftritts untersucht wird, werden im Rahmen einer Frame-Analyse wiederkehrende Deutungsmuster im Strategieblatt sowie in den Kampagnen ermittelt. Anhand der Durchführung einer linguistischen Feinanalyse wird zudem der Sprachgebrauch von "Die Österreicher" in den verschiedenen Inhalten der Website beleuchtet und im Hinblick auf Besonderheiten sowie Stilmittel analysiert. Im Zuge der Frame-Analyse konnten zentrale Deutungsschemata identifiziert werden, etwa der Gefahren-, Vorrangs-und Sicherheits-Frame. Schließlich werden in Bezug auf die zentralen Anliegen und politischen Strategien Ähnlichkeiten zur "Identitären Bewegung Österreichs" aufgezeigt jedoch wenden sich "Die Österreicher" in einer weniger aktionistisch orientiertenund mehr konservativen und doppeldeutigen Erscheinung an eine neue Zielgruppe. ; (VLID)5333782

Сollapse and disintegration of the Eastern part of the Seljuk state created favorable environment for the strengthening of local dynasties, which used it in order to build up their own military and land resources. The death of Sultan Sanjar in 1157 finally removed even formal dependence on the Seljuk house and provoked struggle between various actors for the supremacy in Khorasan. The most powerful rivals in this case proved to be the rulers of Khwarezm, belonging to the Anushteginid dynasty, and the Sultan of the Ghur region, who were able to extend their influence on the territory of Afghanistan and Northern India. From the military capabilities and political influence point of view, the latter posed as a favorite in this struggle, but at the beginning of the 13th century, the Ghurids were defeated, and all their possessions were absorbed in the Khwarezm state. In this article we would like not so much as to explore this confrontation, but rather to pay attention to its description in the Arab-Persian sources. Special attention will be paid to the written monuments of the 13th century, many authors of which were eyewitnesses of this struggle and included valuable information on the subject in their descriptions. We will also note the contradictions in the description of the struggle between Khwarezm and Ghur in the Arab-Persian historical works, the authors' evaluation characteristics and their own explanations of why the Khwarezm-Shahs managed to win against such a powerful rival. We hope to uphold the interest of the academic community in the history of these state entities and the struggle between them.

The author explains and proves that in epochal changes at the crossroads of centuries and millennia, there are two similar, but in many ways different processes: transit and transition. Transit means the passage of some parts of the state through a complex and unique state in the direction of international independence. From an empirical perspective, transit proceeds in two ways: peacefully or in a conflict or. Transit is, in fact, another name for separation or secession. Transit secession in one state shapes several independent states. In that sense, transit is the exteriorization of national politics, its internationalization and geopoliticization. Although it manifests dramatically, tragically and catastrophically in the secession conflict, in the theoretical discourse of social, national and state changes, transit is covered by the process of transition. Therefore, the author recognizes three approaches to the relationship between transit and transition: transit that is partially differentiated from transition; transit that is fully differentiated from transition and transit equated to transition. The author advocates a clear and principled distinction between the phenomenon of transit and the phenomenon of transition. Finally, the paper emphasizes the chronopolitical moment of geopolitical metamorphoses in which transit precedes and in many ways determines the later transition. Transition as a socio-economic process, i.e. the political-economic structural transformation of the socialist into the capitalist society cannot be sufficiently understood without understanding the previous events of transit. It is precisely the Yugoslav case of the disintegration of a complex state that could be instructive for the current EU integration, and also certain multinational and mononational states that face the danger of extreme regionalism, autonomy and separatism.

Most explanations that have sought to understand the "causes" of Brexit have tended to focus on the idea of a "left-behind" white working class who were exercising a protest against a liberal elite. Other approaches have cited the roles played by a broader demographic in Britain, or have identified "cleavages" between "nationalist" and "cosmopolitan" normative codes. However, such approaches typically fail to address the complexities of longer-term social processes which have been fundamental to Brexit. The analytical models used to explain these cleavages have tended to conceptualise the relationships between the two codes as irreconcilable opposites, rather than as shifting balances in the context of changing social conditions. In this paper, we focus upon understanding Brexit as part of a set of longer-term developments in human figurations involving moves towards greater integration with concurrent countervailing disintegrative pressures. These shifting patterns of integration and disintegration involve changes of habitus, balances of power (such as functional democratisation), and expanding and retracting spans of emotional identification. The relationship these processes have to early nation-state formation in Europe are critical, exposing how the dualisms in national codes have been fundamental to the formation of national identities since the Renaissance. Our central argument is developments in these areas of human interdependence have contributed to recent centripetal shifts towards more nationalistic normative codes, and the resulting cleavages being witnessed in Europe, the United States, and indeed, across the world. We explore these shifting relational dynamics and show how a longer-term developmental approach helps to move the debate beyond present-centred and static considerations.