Suchergebnisse

The means by which the United States sought to identify radicals and radicalism in the inter-war years has been largely hidden by a scholarship that has, instead, chosen to focus on processes of Americanization. By analysing hitherto hidden and underused archival sources, this essay examines the ways in which the American Legion positioned itself to become the single most important lobbying force in the identification of inter-war radicalism in the USA, used its considerable resources to sustain a vigorous programme to identify radicalism which served its own organizational interests, and, therefore, had a significant and meaningful impact on debates over radicalism and Americanism at local, state and national levels. The Legion reacted to a changing climate which saw radicalism identified first as an external, immigrant-led threat in the early 1920s, and then as an internal, home-grown menace as the 1930s drew on. That saw the organization grapple with questions including the innate intelligence of immigrants, as debates raged over whether radicals were lured unwittingly into that radicalism or chose radicalism because of a fiendish acumen. Throughout the period, the Legion's view of radicalism was deeply subjective, but was disseminated – and all too regularly accepted – with a polished veneer of objectivity that belied the often vituperative national debates that surrounded ideas of radicalism.

This volume, Sources of Contemporary Radicalism, begins with Seweryn Bialer's examination of the definitional aspects of radicalism, as well as with the identification of specific contemporary sources of the radical impulse and the social groups that are the carriers of radicalism within society. In the next two chapters, Seymour Lipset and Stanley Rothman consider the case of the United States. Lipset asks anew the question posed by Werner Sombart at the beginning of this century: "Why is there no socialism in the United States?"From the perspective of a century of literature addressed to this question, he provides his own critique and explanation.Rothman considers the relatively new phenomenon of student radicalism in the United States, and, on the basis ofinterviews with student activists and results of tests they agreed to take, he offers hypotheses concerning their psychological motivation. Sidney Tarrow's chapter presents a comparisonand contrast of the societal sources contributing to the growth of radical movements in post-World War IIFrance and Italy. Henry Landsberger, in his chapter, concentrateson one societal group, the peasantry. Landsberger addresses the methodological issue that arises in defining peasant discontent as radicalism, and examines what it is that provides a "new" dimension to peasant discontent in modern times. In the final chapter, William Overholt presents a valuable interpretative survey of the literature on radicalism.

"Left radicalism in India was rooted in the nationalist movement and was set in motion in the 1920s with the formation of the communist party. The communist movement manifested itself differently in each phase of India's political history and Communism continues to remain a meaningful alternative ideological discourse in India. This book examines left politics in India focusing on its rise, consolidation and relative decline in the present century. Left radicalism in India is a distinct ideological phenomenon which is articulated in two complementary ways: while the parliamentary left remains social democratic in character, its bête noire, the left wing extremists, continue to uphold the classical Marxist, Leninist and Maoist notion of violent revolution. By concentrating on the nature and also activities of these two versions of left radicalism, this book is a thorough study of the phenomenon. The author analyses the states of Kerala, West Bengal and Tripura and presents a variety of case studies of communist movements. He argues that the political power of the left parties depends on the degree to which they have built organizational strength, political hegemony and a broad social base through legal and extra-parliamentary struggles. An in-depth study of socio-economic circumstances that remain critical in conceptualizing radical extremism, Left Radicalism in India will be of interest to those studying Indian Politics, South Asian History, Development Studies and Global Politics"--

As an issue of complexity, radicalism does not stand alone. It has a political and ideological basis. Like an ideology that continues to bind, radicalism takes the path of religion to be able to justify all actions of anarchy. The case of today's Islam as being synonymous with radicalism is apart of the complexcity of the issue. Religious radicalism is a prevalent phenomenon in the history religions. Radicalism is closely related to fundamentalism, which is marked by the return of society to the fundamentals of religion. Fundamentalism is a kind of ideology that makes religion the principle of life by society and individuals. Fundamentalism usually comes along with radicalism and violence when the freedom to return to religion is hindered by social and political circumstances surrounding the society. Islam recognizes jihad that is in some cases misunderstood. Jihad is different from radicalism and its derivatives of terrorism. Radicalism and terrorism tend to be destructive, uncompromising and closely related to violent behavior in the name of religion. Meanwhile jihad is a form of the totality of a Muslim's devotion to God, which is concerned not only with self-defense efforts, but a battle that has a theological legitimacy in which the martyrs are promised by God with various virtues and advantages. The association of jihad with terrorism today cannot be justified due to the fact that jihad in the sense of war (Qitâl) involves elements of violence that can be categorized as terrorism. It is the case that the use of violence in the name of religion in contemporary times is, in fact, due to political factors, which then seeks its legitimacy in religious teachings.