Different Types of Right-Wing Populist Discourse in Government and Opposition: The Case of Italy
In: South European society & politics, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 281-299
ISSN: 1360-8746
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In: South European society & politics, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 281-299
ISSN: 1360-8746
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 53, Heft 4, S. 654-671
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractGovernments led by technocrats remain a nebulous category in political science literature, with little clarity about how they differ from party governments, how many have existed and how we can differentiate between them. This article aims to provide that conceptual and empirical clarity. Having proposed an ideal type definition of 'technocratic government', it sets out three conditions for an operational definition of a 'technocrat' and, on that basis, lists the 24 technocrat‐led governments that have existed in 27 European Union (EU) democracies from the end of the Second World War until June 2013. It then classifies these according to their partisan/technocrat composition and remit. This allows for the presentation of a typology of four different types of technocrat‐led governments and the definition of 'full technocratic governments' as those which contain a majority of technocrats and – unlike caretaker governments – have the capacity to change the status quo. The article concludes that full technocratic governments remain extremely rare in EU democracies since there have been only six cases – of which three have occurred in the last decade.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 53, Heft 4, S. 654-671
ISSN: 0304-4130
While the literature on directly elected mayors has largely neglected the relationship between mayors and their parties, studies of party transformation have generally ignored how changes in local democratic rules and practices affect parties. This article addresses these questions using a qualitative case study of the relationship between mayors and the three faces of their parties (in local public office, local central office and on the ground) in Genoa and Lausanne. Based on interviews with the mayors, elected representatives and party members, it finds in the two cases that, as long as these mayors can count on high levels of popularity and are not nearing the end of their term, they are 'party detached'. When these factors do not apply and/or party institutionalization increases, the relationship with the party in local central office (although not with the party in local public office or on the ground) becomes more significant.
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In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 92-119
ISSN: 1477-7053
While the literature on directly elected mayors has largely neglected the relationship between mayors and their parties, studies of party transformation have generally ignored how changes in local democratic rules and practices affect parties. This article addresses these questions using a qualitative case study of the relationship between mayors and the three faces of their parties (in local public office, local central office and on the ground) in Genoa and Lausanne. Based on interviews with the mayors, elected representatives and party members, it finds in the two cases that, as long as these mayors can count on high levels of popularity and are not nearing the end of their term, they are 'party detached'. When these factors do not apply and/or party institutionalization increases, the relationship with the party in local central office (although not with the party in local public office or on the ground) becomes more significant.
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 92-119
ISSN: 0017-257X
In: Italian politics: a review ; a publication of the Istituto Cattaneo, Band 27, Heft 1
ISSN: 2326-7259
In: West European politics, Band 33, Heft 6, S. 1318-1340
ISSN: 0140-2382
World Affairs Online
In: West European politics, Band 33, Heft 6, S. 1318-1340
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: West European politics, Band 28, Heft 5, S. 952-972
ISSN: 0140-2382
World Affairs Online
In: West European politics, Band 28, Heft 5, S. 952-972
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 443-452
ISSN: 1460-3683
Over the past two decades, a growing number of 'outsider parties' have entered governing centre-left and centre-right coalitions across Western Europe. In this introduction, we first define outsider parties as those which — even when their vote-share would have enabled it — have gone through a period of not being 'coalitionable', whether of their own volition or that of other parties in the system. Based on the articles in this issue, we then discuss the problems which outsider parties encounter when entering government and suggest some reasons for the success and failure of these parties in office. Finally, we propose a number of avenues for further research, in particular that of examining differences between the first and subsequent experiences of office for such parties.
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 443-453
ISSN: 1354-0688
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 1054-1077
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractOne of the main supply‐side explanations for women's underrepresentation in politics is the gender gap in nascent political ambition. While this has been examined in terms of electoral ambition, the aspiration to pursue non‐electoral careers within parties has been overlooked. In our study, we therefore investigate whether both types of ambition – electoral and non‐electoral – vary among young women and men participating in a key entry point for political careers in Western democracies: party youth wings. To do so, we surveyed almost 2,000 members of six centre‐left and centre‐right youth wings in Australia, Italy and Spain. We find that while, as expected, women in youth wings display lower levels of electoral ambition, they are almost as likely as men to express non‐electoral ambition. Furthermore, and contrary to our expectations, we show that women in centre‐right youth wings are no less interested in pursuing electoral and non‐electoral political careers than women in centre‐left ones. Our study thus provides new insights into the gendered nature of political ambition, highlighting that women's lower interest in electoral office does not necessarily reflect reduced interest in a political career.