Suchergebnisse

Computer-based training and education are becoming increasingly prevalent and important. This article discusses the history of automated instruction, current applications, issues and problems, and future prospects. Current applications include such traditional uses of computers as testing, drills, tutorials, games, simulations, and student management. New applications include embedded training, computer literacy, interactive videodisc, and electronic lectures. The most important issue in automated instruction at present is the time and costs associated with the development of courseware. Other important problems include the difficulty of implementing individualized instruction in organizations accustomed to classroom teaching, the scarcity of educators who are computer literate, and the evaluation of courseware. Microcomputers have greatly accelerated the growth of computer-based instruction in all domains. Intelligent CAI, authoring systems, hand-held computers, speech processing, and telecommunication technologies such as videotex are seen as shaping the future direction of automated instruction.

Educational reform has been an important area for debate in the southern states since the end of the Second World War. From desegregation to equity in funding, southern governors have pushed their states in the direction of their parties, their promises and their personal political beliefs. Some of these changes have been progressive in that the reforms increased the ability of marginalized groups to participate in the economic, political and social power of each state. The same legislation contained consequences like state-wide testing that maintained the racial, political, social and economic status quo. Two governors who served in the 1970s, Reubin O'Donovan Askew of Florida and Jimmy Carter of Georgia, sought to equalize educational opportunity in their states. Both wished to address the needs of children who had been denied educational opportunities in the past and both wished to increase spending on education in their states. While their purposes were progressive, both reform packages contained accountability based on state-wide testing. In this article the author addresses two questions: did the testing component reverse the access that minority and impoverished students were given through the intended educational reforms, and was the testing a necessary political trade-off for passage of the equalization legislation? In analysing the acceptance of testing by two southern governors, we may be able to understand the current trend in the United States and to develop educational policies that are more progressive in their results as well as their intentions and that answer the needs of our diverse student population.

Educational reform has been an important area for debate in the southern states since the end of the Second World War. From desegregation to equity in funding, southern governors have pushed their states in the direction of their parties, their promises and their personal political beliefs. Some of these changes have been progressive in that the reforms increased the ability of marginalized groups to participate in the economic, political and social power of each state. The same legislation contained consequences like state-wide testing that maintained the racial, political, social and economic status quo. Two governors who served in the 1970s, Reubin O'Donovan Askew of Florida and Jimmy Carter of Georgia, sought to equalize educational opportunity in their states. Both wished to address the needs of children who had been denied educational opportunities in the past and both wished to increase spending on education in their states. While their purposes were progressive, both reform packages contained accountability based on state-wide testing. In this article the author addresses two questions: did the testing component reverse the access that minority and impoverished students were given through the intended educational reforms, and was the testing a necessary political trade-off for passage of the equalization legislation? In analysing the acceptance of testing by two southern governors, we may be able to understand the current trend in the United States and to develop educational policies that are more progressive in their results as well as their intentions and that answer the needs of our diverse student population.

Educational reform has been an important area for debate in the southern states since the end of the Second World War. From desegregation to equity in funding, southern governors have pushed their states in the direction of their parties, their promises and their personal political beliefs. Some of these changes have been progressive in that the reforms increased the ability of marginalized groups to participate in the economic, political and social power of each state. The same legislation contained consequences like state-wide testing that maintained the racial, political, social and economic status quo. Two governors who served in the 1970s, Reubin O'Donovan Askew of Florida and Jimmy Carter of Georgia, sought to equalize educational opportunity in their states. Both wished to address the needs of children who had been denied educational opportunities in the past and both wished to increase spending on education in their states. While their purposes were progressive, both reform packages contained accountability based on state-wide testing. In this article the author addresses two questions: did the testing component reverse the access that minority and impoverished students were given through the intended educational reforms, and was the testing a necessary political trade-off for passage of the equalization legislation? In analysing the acceptance of testing by two southern governors, we may be able to understand the current trend in the United States and to develop educational policies that are more progressive in their results as well as their intentions and that answer the needs of our diverse student population.

Reviews recent literature considering the political significance of education. (DCL)

The paper makes a comparative study on Public Schools and Government Schools in the contemporary social and cultural scenario with the importance of the parental care and how they are maintained by private owners and government officials respectively. The paper also discusses the role and responsibility of the important individuals – the father, the mother and the teacher – towards the spiritual and moral development of their children. Public schools, which are called 'Private schools' in our country, are symbols of modern feudalism. Public schools can also be described as & lsquo; private factories'. Teachers in private schools and colleges are under compulsion to show results to managements. Teachers campaign for admissions. When a teacher fails to secure admission, his job or his salary is under threat. There are popular Public (Private) schools but unfortunately there is no such popular government school. Under these circumstances, the question arises is how to create a good government teacher.

AbstractDemocracies and dictatorships have different incentives when it comes to choosing how much and by what means to homogenise the population, i.e., 'to build a nation'. We study and compare nation-building policies under the transition from dictatorship to democracy in a model where the type of government and borders of the country are endogenous. We find that the threat of democratisation provides the strongest incentive to homogenise. We focus upon a specific nation-building policy: mass primary education. We offer historical discussions of nation-building across time and space, and provide correlations for a large sample of countries over the 1925–2014 period.

Home education is at an early stage for the public, researchers, media and educational authorities in China. Yet the research relating to the development of home education has been entirely ignored. In particular, the literature focusing on the legal status of home education is negligible in the educational context of China. There is no literature that has systematically explored the relationship between Compulsory Education Law and home education. The public, parents, and researchers have many questions as to whether home education is legal or not. This article provides comprehensive firsthand legal data and an in-depth analysis of the relationship between home education and law in the Chinese context. This article aims to contribute to the literature and reveal the legal status of home education in China.

Abstract"Sexuality education"– broadly defined as teaching and learning about a range of issues related to puberty, sexuality, and relationships – occurs all day every day, formally and informally, intentionally and unintentionally. Nevertheless, adults organize policy and instruction for young people around a constrained set of concerns: first, that the sexuality education youth receive does not help them navigate an increasingly sexualized and dangerous world and, second, that the lessons are themselves damaging, exacerbating the risks youth and children already face. I discuss sexuality education's entanglement with these conventional cultural ideas about youth, sexuality, and education. I consider the ways that abstinence‐only and comprehensive school‐based sexuality education rest on a series of a discursive framings, including a commitment to regulating sexuality and youth, a contemporary "moral panic" that renders all talk about youth and sexuality provocative, and normative and instrumental conceptions of teaching and learning about sexuality. I conclude by discussing the implications of these discursive framings for classroom practice and imagining an alternative model in which sexuality education might embrace ambiguity and ambivalence as a necessary and even welcome condition of young people's sexuality and education.

Historically, rurality and rural education have been marginalised bodies of knowledge in South Africa. The post-1994 era has seen an emerging government concern to address the continuing interplay between poverty, HIV/AIDS, underdevelopment, and underachievement in schools categorised as rural. To address these concerns, scholars in South African institutions of higher learning have conducted research on various issues on rurality and rural education. However, little is known of the focus of the various studies and the state of rural education and rural education research. Drawing on the Project for Postgraduate Education Research (PPER) from 1995-2004, the purpose of this article is to critically analyse the discourses underpinning rural education and rural education research in South Africa. The article focuses on three enabling assumptions. The first is that there is little research which takes as its primary focus rurality as lived experience worthy of scholarly reflection regarding how rurality influences social or specific education issues. Secondly, there is substantively more research in which rurality, or facets of rural life, is considered as context in which projects or studies are located. Such studies are conducted in a rural context without any intention of investigating rural issues or rural education issues, or explaining how rurality influences education in these rural contexts. Thirdly, there is a small body of research which takes as its focus social issues in relation to rural conditions. These studies focus on rurality not merely as the context of reflection, but as an active constituent of social conditions evident in rural life. Our analysis, focusing on postgraduate research in South African HEIs in terms of these assumptions, aims to continue a dialogue that leads to further understanding of the complexities of rural education and rural development.