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This article examines the role of NGOs in wildlife law enforcement, drawing on empirical research conducted within UK environmental law enforcement but also drawing on a review of the academic literature and policy debates concerning NGOs and pressure group activity. It examines the theoretical basis for NGO actions and different policy perspectives, the ideologies employed by NGO's and how these manifest themselves in law enforcement policies and practice. While the focus of this essay is UK and US NGO activity with its professional enforcement activity and policy networks, the impact of wildlife and environmental NGOs is significant in a range of jurisdictions and is a vital component in effective policing of wildlife legislation. © 2013 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht.

Engaging with standards / Jonathan Supovitz -- The infrastructure and conceptual challenges of the common core -- Curriculum state standards : English language arts as a case / Carol Lee -- Implementing the common core : how individuals, organizational resources, and instructional practice matter / John Diamond -- School-subject variation in educational infrastructures : a cautionary implementation tale / James Spillane, Megan Hopkins -- Rewriting myths about curriculum materials and content standards in mathematics / Janine Remillard -- Overcoming the challenges of choosing curriculum materials : a systematic approach to evaluating common core alignment / Morgan Polikoff -- Fulfilling the promise of rigor for all / Emily Hodge -- Common core in uncommon schools : tools for teacher cohesion? / Bruce Fuller -- Collaborative professional development to create cognitively demanding tasks in English language arts-vivian mihalakis / Anthony Petrosky -- Connections, coherence, and common understanding in the common core / Thomas Hatch -- Intelligently partnering for common core implementation / Donald Peurach -- Contracting for digital education in the common core era / Patricia Burch, Andrew L. LaFave, Annalee Good -- Differences in common : a brief history of American educational standards / David Gamson -- Core confusion : a practitioner's guide to understanding its complicated politics / Patrick McGuinn -- Implementation politics and the common core / Katie McDermott -- A window of opportunity : the politics and policies of common core implementation in California / Jennifer O'Day.

Reflective of a wider, global trend of changing civil society space and anti-gender backlash against women's rights, research is increasingly interested in exploring the dynamics and implications of hybrid and authoritarian regimes strategies toward civil society, and women's organizations in particular. Nevertheless, few have focused on studying the role of governmental women's organizations – so-called women-GONGOs - as mechanisms of regime strategies, such as in the case of competitive-authoritarian Turkey where women-GONGOs aim to constrain civil society space and feminist, gender equality-oriented discourse and practice. In this study, the aim is to explore how feminist, oppositional women's organizations, despite their "outsider" positions in Turkey's civil society, use and reshape feminist strategies to adapt, renegotiate or resist women-GONGOs as mechanisms of control, co-optation and regime interference.Based on in-depth interviews with 21 women's organizations in Turkey, the study finds that "outsider", feminist women's organizations in competitive-authoritarian Turkey perceive the influence of women-GONGOs as central to possibilities and limitations in civil society and women's organizing. Consequently, interviews show that "outsiders" employ a variety of feminist strategies, mostly in combination, to create or maintain their activism and operations within the Turkish de-democratization context, for example turning to grassroots in combination with finding new alliances, or connected to sustaining activities within broader democratization movements. However, the study suggests that the changing space of civil society in Turkey affects these "outsiders" in different ways; for example service-oriented women's organizations are less constrained in their feminist strategies compared to claims-making "outsiders". Lastly, the study illustrates how the dominant role of women-GONGOs in Turkey impacts feminist discourse and practice of "outsiders", thereby providing empirical insights and theoretical ...

Reflective of a wider, global trend of changing civil society space and anti-gender backlash against women's rights, research is increasingly interested in exploring the dynamics and implications of hybrid and authoritarian regimes strategies toward civil society, and women's organizations in particular. Nevertheless, few have focused on studying the role of governmental women's organizations – so-called women-GONGOs - as mechanisms of regime strategies, such as in the case of competitive-authoritarian Turkey where women-GONGOs aim to constrain civil society space and feminist, gender equality-oriented discourse and practice. In this study, the aim is to explore how feminist, oppositional women's organizations, despite their "outsider" positions in Turkey's civil society, use and reshape feminist strategies to adapt, renegotiate or resist women-GONGOs as mechanisms of control, co-optation and regime interference.Based on in-depth interviews with 21 women's organizations in Turkey, the study finds that "outsider", feminist women's organizations in competitive-authoritarian Turkey perceive the influence of women-GONGOs as central to possibilities and limitations in civil society and women's organizing. Consequently, interviews show that "outsiders" employ a variety of feminist strategies, mostly in combination, to create or maintain their activism and operations within the Turkish de-democratization context, for example turning to grassroots in combination with finding new alliances, or connected to sustaining activities within broader democratization movements. However, the study suggests that the changing space of civil society in Turkey affects these "outsiders" in different ways; for example service-oriented women's organizations are less constrained in their feminist strategies compared to claims-making "outsiders". Lastly, the study illustrates how the dominant role of women-GONGOs in Turkey impacts feminist discourse and practice of "outsiders", thereby providing empirical insights and theoretical ...

In April 2018, a historic meeting took place between the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-Un, and the president of South Korean Moon Jae-In, starting with a highly symbolic handshake in the demilitarized zone separating their two countries. This came as a cooperative move that helped greatly to pave the way to the ground-breaking US-North Korea summit in June 2018 (as studied by Mark Young in his chapter "Playing Red and Playing Blue : The Run up to the Trump/Kim Singapore Summit" in this volume) and later in February 2019. As the whole world still watches two countries that are theoretically still at war and wonders if the two Koreas will be able to sign a peace treaty (only an armistice was signed on July 27, 1953, at the end of the conflict that began in 1950), I will review, following Jonathan Mercer's analysis (2013), the unexplored affective reasons why military conflict took place between these countries.

Professional officer training in Sweden has gone through some major changes in the last 30 years. The current officer system is a two-category system, where officers complete the three-year academic Officers' Programme, and specialist officers complete 18 months of vocational training at the Swedish Armed Forces' training schools. The aim of this study was to investigate newly graduated officers' and specialist officers' perceptions of their officer training. Results showed that their perceptions could be covered by three overriding themes: identification, vertical versus horizontal career paths and the perceived relevance of the officer training. Furthermore, the respondents' officer identification seemed to have developed before officer training, and the individual motivators concerned deliberate choices of becoming either an officer or a specialist officer. Coaching was crucial to both officers and specialist officers. However, the officers stated that coaching came at an early stage of their basic military training, whereas specialist officers were coached at a later stage in their career. The implications for the Swedish Armed Forces is that identification and career path are issues that need to be addressed early in a soldier's military career, and that officer training needs to be more focussed on defining career paths, especially for specialist officers.

This article seeks to test whether a leader's position in the team's informal network strengthens or weakens the leader's team. Based on data collected from 231 employees working in 19 teams in a manufacturing organization, the study tested whether two different leader network centralities in teams' advice networks predicted team conflict and viability. Teams with more prestigious formal leaders (i.e., leaders whom a high proportion of subordinates sought out for advice) experienced lower levels of team conflict and had higher levels of team viability. In contrast, teams with leaders who brokered across subordinates within a team's advice network (i.e., leaders who had advice ties with subordinates who did not have advice ties with each other) reported elevated levels of team conflict and lower levels of team viability, even when controlling for the team leader's prestige. Team conflict mediated the effects of the two leader network positions on team viability.

Within the puzzle of why conflict persists in natural resource rich countries, and why in the critical case of the DRC in particular, I looked at two questions in detail: First, how the incentive structures of different actors in a 'conflict economy', including 'coping', 'conflict' and 'shadow' economy actors, can shape the dynamics of conflict and conflict resolution. Second, how the physical and market attributes of high volume and low value cassiterite, as well as high value and low volume gold determine how effectively 'conflict minerals' trade control measures could be implemented, which the 'conflict minerals' campaign driven by International Advocacy NGOs proposes to resolve conflict. The implementation of trade control measures and their impact showed a misalignment with the incentive structures of 'coping', 'shadow' and 'conflict' economy actors. Instead of resolving conflict their implementation a) generated significant negative externalities in the form of loss of livelihood or reduction in earning potential for the 'coping' economy actors in the primary and secondary ASM economy; b) failed (on their own) to provide sufficient incentives for the 'shadow' economy to formalise and comply with trade control measures' requirements. As grey markets remained open and gold continued to be traded indiscriminately (as its physical and market attributes meant its mining and trade continued despite the implementation of trade control measures), low prices offered by grey market buyers compared to world market prices offered by international 'conflict free' buyers inspired some 'shadow economy' actors to work towards compliance; c) they did not significantly impact 'conflict economy' actors' ability to generate finance due to these actors' diversified revenue base and trade control measures inability to control the lucrative gold trade. The puzzle of why conflict persists in natural resource rich countries, and why in the critical case of the DRC in particular is therefore due to a misunderstanding of local ...