Suchergebnisse

In the post-crisis period, the traditional relationship between labour productivity and wages has been called increasingly into question as a result of recent changes in the labour-capital ratio. There is a growing public debate on this issue, but the available literature within Bulgaria has not, up to now, examined the link directly. This article reports the findings of a new study, specifically from the starting point that labour productivity is not a main factor in the dynamics of average wages in Bulgaria in the period 2000-2017. Through an econometric model, the author concludes that the impact of gross value added in terms of the change in average wages in Bulgaria has diminished as a result of the crisis; and that the dynamics of gross value added per employee do not play a decisive role in explaining the dynamics of average wages. The author points to the significance of this finding for future research, adding also that, at a time again of technological advance, innovation is likely to be one factor which further distorts classical understanding of the interdependence of labour productivity and wages.

Epistemic justifications of democracy affirm the comparative quality of democracies' decisions. The challenge faced by those who endorse such views is to explain why we should prefer standard democratic institutions to some sort of epistocracy or rule of the wisest. This article takes up this challenge by assessing the epistemic potential of an epistocratic council, as imagined by Jason Brennan. Members of such council would be selected through competency exams, the required competencies being defined by the whole population. The argument defended in this article is that the potential gain in instrumental rationality that such an institution could offer under certain questionable conditions would be outweighed by the increased risks of misrule and involuntary biases if such council has decision-making or veto power. In comparison with the existing literature, this argument stresses the importance of moral rightness, here defined as impartiality, in the epistemic assessment of democracy and its alternatives. The article then ends with a qualified assessment of purely epistemic justifications of democratic inclusion, which could be insufficient to reject implausible but imaginable forms of epistemically justifiable disenfranchisement.

Middle powers have traditionally played an important role in the international system. Nowadays, the label of middle power possesses relevant political implications and thus theorizing about middle powers is more significant than ever before. However, there is a lack of exact and complex middle power definition in academic as well as in political area. Hence, in the present study, an overview of the development of middle power theorizing from its beginning up to the present was offered in form of a literature review. Subsequently, the main conceptualizations of middle power were compared, the advantages and disadvantages of each particular attitude emphasized and a complex approach toward defining middle power was proposed. The results show that the complex approach towards the conceptualization of middle powers employs the strengths of previous approaches and overcomes their weaknesses. The emphasis on the relative position of a state in the power pyramid is based on the belief that this position, in combination with value orientation and self-image, affects both the state's actions and its ability to create conditions for the functioning of the international system and the ability to influence the basic parameters of the international system.

This study investigates the constitutional protection of LGBTI rights in South America and Mexico. Under the theoretical framework of Nancy Fraser's postwestphalian democratic justice, it questions whether the constitutional protection of these rights in such countries is satisfactory in order to move forward towards the accomplishment of justice to LGBTI persons. The research conducts an empirical study and undertakes a qualitative analysis using the techniques of literature review, documental analysis, and survey. Among the results, it was determined that only two of the analysed constitutions expressly prohibits both sexual orientation – and gender identity-based discrimination. Only one of them uses gender-neutral language in the provision regarding civil union and, therefore, enables the union between two people of the same gender. Under another perspective, the answers of the majority of the Latin-American organizations in the survey indicated that the constitutional protection of LGBTI rights is unsatisfactory in their countries. Therefore, after the analysis of all the data obtained in the research, it was possible to conclude that the constitutional protection is precarious and does not guarantee the most basic rights to LGBTI population.

The given article is dedicated to consideration of military euphemisms used by the English language print media to describe various conflict-ridden actions in the course of military developments across the globe. Significance of the given research is stipulated by the vivid interest to the matters of euphemy penetrated into all areas of activity, especially in mass media language style. The aim of this paper is to examine the concept and the essence of euphemy and to reveal various military-political euphemisms widely used in press. Methods used to study the subject of the given paper were as follows: theoretical literature study within the given theme, a descriptive method, followed by the method of sampling euphemisms from Anglophone print media. The main result of the present study appears to be the finding, that euphemization presents a significant process of enormous importance in communication. The usage of euphemistical examples in the contemporary English-speaking press, namely, the New York Times, the Sun, the Telegraph, the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post served as the main data for the given research.

This study aims to describe the suitability of the Sasak family upbringing with Islamic education, the root of the shift and how to build a new upbringing that is compatible with Islam and the Sasak culture. Through a literature study with phenomenologicalstructural analysis, the writer found that there has indeed been a fundamental change in the parenting style of sasak family whose symptoms are easily seen in the behavior of children who are no longer naturally referring to Islamic values. The conclusions that researchers can draw from the research are: first, that the traditional parenting style of Sasak family is in accordance with Islamic education; secondly, that the shift in the upbringing of Sasak families that led to changes in behavior in present-day children is an accumulation of the collisions brought about by the current of globalization; and third, to build new patterns of Islamic values that are now mainstreamed such as the values of moderation and democracy can be a reference in building new parenting with the necessary adjustments in the realm of culture and tradition of Sasak.

This study attempted to provide a solution to eradicate corruption by using a model approach repression and prevention THATEE Model. The writing method using a literature review in explaining some of the facts of corruption in the New Order era and reform. The results show that the discussion of actual corruption can be eradicated by using a synthesis of the KPPH Model and THATEE Model. THATEE model is a formula based on a series of corruption preventive action formulated in the form of Trust; honest; Transparency; Education, and Ethics with the involvement of state actors (government, legislative and stakeholder coalition) will strengthen the eradication of corruption in the future. While the model is a formula KPPH repressive against corruption formulated in a series of actions the commitment of law enforcement, political will, and international cooperation and even the death penalty to be an alternative to combat the growing proliferation of corruption in this country with severe punishments for the corrupt. The study is expected to contribute thoughts and preventive and repressive measures against corruption in Indonesia in support of law enforcement against attorneys, judges, the judicial mafia, the authorities, employers and political elite in Indonesia.

The study of the implementation of Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) program in Indonesia aims to find out the background and significance of the program taken by the government under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009-2014 on the issue of eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. The problem of extreme poverty and hunger in Indonesia has not been solved comprehensively. Therefore, the government had to provide the right program to end poverty. The research based on the qualitative method, which uses official reports, literature review and news articles as the sources. The result showed that the programs of eradication extreme poverty and hunger in 2009-2014 had been revised became three clusters. The first cluster aims to help and protects the social family guarantee and to assure the basic needs. The second cluster is the eradication of poverty and hunger through the social assistance program. The third cluster was focusing on eradication of poverty and hunger in term of economic matter. The government used the indicators by UNDP, as the base of the decision-making process, but also used the real condition of poor people in Indonesia as the main consideration.

Relevant literature tends to take innovation catch-up of emerging markets' latecomer firms almost for granted. However, not all catch-up efforts are successful and some of these firms remain stuck in catching-up or exit from the market. In the search for explanations, this paper investigates the mediating effects of opportunity capture against those of technological innovation in the relationships with performance of single dimensions of absorptive capacity. Hypotheses about the different ways in which absorptive capacity can be deployed are tested on data collected from 166 manufacturing firms in Guangdong Province (China). Findings support a stronger mediation effect of opportunity capture between absorptive capacity dimensions and firm's performance than that of technological innovation. By using bootstrapped multiple mediation analysis and a multi-dimensional operationalisation of absorptive capacity, the study provides evidence of the relationships investigated, sheds light on some of their unintended effects on latecomer firms' innovation catch-up and draws practical implications. ; Part of this research has received funding from the European Union's Horizon H2020 Research and Innovation Programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Action (Grant No. H2020-MSCA-RISE-2016-734447

Inequality is a key political issue of our times. It has political consequences, fuelling conflict and raising legitimacy challenges for regimes around the world, in democratic and non‑demo‑ cratic settings alike. At the centre of these challenges is the question of accountability: who can be held accountable, on what basis, how and by whom for tackling or failing to tackle which inequalities. In the field of global health, inequality has long been a key issue. A significant body of work — in global health and health systems research — has approached the issue of health inequalities and in‑ equities by highlighting the role of social determinants. A more recent and less developed stream of work frames them in terms of political determinants: in other words, seeing them as issues that may be addressed through politics as well as policy. As a contribution to this literature, and building on the decade-old consensus around the importance of political will in the expansion of access to health services, this Novos Estudos dossier focuses on the politics of ensuring accountability for health equity - or for reducing health inequalities.

This paper attempts to contribute to the understanding of the ways people's beliefs about the market economy shapes economic freedom. The paper integrates the notion of culture as 'spirits of markets' into the cross-country quantitative literature on culture and institutions by modelling it as a multi-dimensional system of beliefs about the market economy. It proposes that it is the consistency of beliefs, not the beliefs themselves, that may be 'embedded' in culture, and therefore the consistency of beliefs may be considered as a determinant of economic freedom. With more consistently distributed beliefs a consistent increase in economic freedom will create more 'ideological losers" in the electorate, which creates a political entrepreneurial possibility to compensate them. As such compensation usually takes the form of a reduction in economic freedom, the implication is that those areas of economic freedom that are affected by this compensation will reflect less freedom in otherwise free countries. These proposition is supported by some statistical analyses with the areas of economic freedom as dependent variables and the measures of (in)consistency of market beliefs form the World Values Survey (European Values Study) as dependent ones.

Abstract
A growing body of literature examines how to make the use of new and emerging technologies more transparent and explainable as a means to ensure accountability for harm to human rights. While a critical part of accountability, a predominant focus on the technology can result in the design and adaptation of accountability principles to 'manage' the technology instead of starting from an assessment of the governance choices actors make when integrating new and emerging technologies into their mandates. Recognition of the governance choices underpinning the introduction of new and emerging technologies is often overlooked in scholarship and practice. Yet, without explicit recognition of the role played by technology in governance, the disruptive effects of technology on (global) governance may be underplayed or even ignored. In this response, I argue that if the 'culture of accountability' is to adapt to the challenges posed by new and emerging technologies, the focus cannot only be technology-led. It must also be interrogative of the governance choices that are made within organizations, particularly those vested with public functions at the international and national level.

A growing literature has documented the displacement effects of tougher interior immigration enforcement measures; yet, we still lack an understanding of where the displaced populations are choosing to relocate. In this paper, we address this question using Arizona as a case study. Specifically, we examine the destinations of Mexican non-citizens leaving Arizona for other states in the union following the adoption of tougher enforcement measures using two different groups of control states: one consisting of all states that had not adopted similar measures and another one derived using the synthetic control method. We find that Mexican non-citizens who migrated from Arizona to other US states went, primarily, to New Mexico and California. Other destination states differed with the control group being used, underscoring the sensitivity of this type of analysis to the choice of control group. Furthermore, the trajectories of Mexican non-citizens leaving Arizona overlapped with those of non-Hispanic natives, hinting on the role that socioeconomic and political factors, in addition to potential complementarities between immigrants and natives, might have played in explaining the destinations of Mexican non-citizens leaving Arizona after 2007.

Purpose
The current era of globalization is dominated by the rise of investments in intangible capital rather than tangible capital – the ascendance of creativity over plant and equipment. This brief paper is motivated by the possibility that emerging market economies such as Morocco might take greater advantage of new tools and policies designed for this new era. The paper aims to discuss these issues.


Design/methodology/approach
To begin, the author discusses the transformation of the global economy and the consequences of the transformed global economy for economic thinking and measurement. The author refers to both old and new literature on the measurement of intangible investment and capital.


Findings
Then, the author discusses the rising role of creativity and cultural difference in the development of these new economic forces, using the example of the Harry Potter book series.


Originality/value
The author then considers how cultural enhancement serves multiple purposes for a nation. Finally, the author turns to some of the possible implications of these economic forces for Morocco, stressing that these implications are speculative.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the relation with the future of young-adults Not in Education, Employment or Training (NEET) in Italy. The study of temporal experiences allows to understand how subjects represent their own condition and construct their biographies in an age of uncertainty.Design/methodology/approachThe study follows a qualitative approach to allow participants to express their own experiences and representations through narratives. The 12 cases considered are illustrative of the different orientations detected in the group of 36 young people involved in the research.FindingsYoung-adults NEET have problems in acquiring a recognized social status and in designing future orientations. The difficulties to project themselves in time hinder the attainment of a sense of biographical continuity as well as the process of identity construction, which tends to be increasingly detached from the planning sphere.Originality/valueThe study adds to the literature on the issue of young people NEET, contributing to differentiate the social conditions of this group by referring to their experiences, social belongings and resources. The analysis sheds new light on the agency of young people, that conceive biographical strategies in relation to the scenarios they envisage.