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The twentieth century doctrine considers separation of powers as a mechanism of constitutional technique that must be present in Political Science. In order to achieve this particular sense of separation of powers, this doctrine is based on the principles of specialization and independence. Separation of powers, therefore, refers to the division of government responsibilities into distinct branches to limit any one branch from exercising the core functions of another. The intent is to prevent the concentration of power and provide for checks and balances and establishment of democratic society.

Originally published in 1988, this book explores the history of political liberty. There is an opinion that the conception of Political Liberty, however important it may have been in Athens and Republican Rome, disappeared in the period of the Roman Empire and in the Middle Ages, and has only been recovered in the last two centuries. This work is primarily an attempt to set out the continuity of the development of the conception of Political Liberty during the Middle Ages and the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries - the development, but even more, the continuity of development, for this has been inadequately appreciated in the past.

Dynamic strategies are an essential part of politics. In the context of campaigns, for example, candidates continuously recalibrate their campaign strategy in response to polls and opponent actions. Traditional causal inference methods, however, assume that these dynamic decisions are made all at once, an assumption that forces a choice between omitted variable bias and posttreatment bias. Thus, these kinds of "single-shot" causal inference methods are inappropriate for dynamic processes like campaigns. I resolve this dilemma by adapting methods from biostatistics, thereby presenting a holistic framework for dynamic causal inference. I then use this method to estimate the effectiveness of an inherently dynamic process: a candidate's decision to "go negative." Drawing on U.S. statewide elections (2000-2006), I find, in contrast to the previous literature and alternative methods, that negative advertising is an effective strategy for nonincumbents. I also describe a set of diagnostic tools and an approach to sensitivity analysis. Adapted from the source document.

AS CENTRAL CITIES HAVE LOST THEIR DOMINANT POSITION IN THE METROPOLIS, POLITICAL SCIENCE'S URBANISTS HAVE REMAINED FIXATED ON THE CONFLICTS AND CRISES OF THE URBAN CORE WHILE LARGELY IGNORING URBAN POLITICS OUTSIDE THE CITY LIMITS. THIS FOCUS HAS PRODUCED A SKEWED UNDERSTANDING OF URBAN AMERICA AND MAY LIMIT THE ANALYTICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE FIELD AS WELL. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHORS REVIEW THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE URBAN POLITICS LITERATURE AND OFFER SOME EXPLANATIONS FOR ITS PREOCCUPATION WITH BIG CITIES. THEY ARGUE THAT WORK IN THIS FIELD WOULD BE BETTER INTEGRATED IF URBAN POLITICS WERE RECONCEPTUALIZED AS THE POLITICS OF URBANIZATION. THEY SUGGEST SOME NEW THEORETICAL AND SUBSTANTIVE CONTRIBUTIONS THAT SUCH AN APPROACH WOULD PERMIT AND EMPHASIZE THAT THE POLITICS OF URBANIZATION CANNOT BE FULLY UNDERSTOOD IN CITY-BOUND ANALYSIS.