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Once universal adult citizenship rights have been secured in a society, democratization is mostly a matter of the more authentic political inclusion of different groups and categories, for which formal political equality can hide continued exclusion or oppression. It is important, however, to distinguish between inclusion in the state and inclusion in the polity more generally. Democratic theorists who advocate a strategy of progressive inclusion of as many groups as possible in the state fail to recognize that the conditions for authentic as opposed to symbolic inclusion are quite demanding. History shows that benign inclusion in the state is possible only when (a) a group's defining concern can be assimilated to an established or emerging state imperative, and (b) civil society is not unduly depleted by the group's entry into the state. Absent such conditions, oppositional civil society may be a better focus for democratization than is the state. A flourishing oppositional sphere, and therefore the conditions for democratization itself, may actually be facilitated by a passively exclusive state, the main contemporary form of which is corporatism. Benign inclusion in the state can sometimes occur, but any such move should also produce exclusions that both facilitate future democratization and guard against any reversal of democratic commitment in state and society. These considerations have substantial implications for the strategic choices of social movements.

This article presents an innovative proposal to represent the agenda-setting of the main Spanish media groups (RTVE, Prisa, Vocento, Unidad Editorial, COPE, Atresmedia, Planeta, Godó, Mediaset España and Libertad Digital) in the context of the 2015 Spanish general election. The study uses a quantitative method based on a content analysis of the main Spanish radio and TV programmes with political opinion spaces and the main newspapers linked to these media groups. Furthermore, the compositional methodological approach the CoDa-biplot is used to visualise and emphasise the relative salience of the components under study. The article not only provides a mapping of the agenda of the main media groups in the electoral context, but it also reaches the representation of the effects of priming and the spiral of silence in the proportional study of the issues and senders of the agenda. ; Este artículo presenta un estudio innovador sobre la representación de la agenda-setting de los principales grupos de medios españoles (RTVE, Prisa, Vocento, Unidad Editorial, COPE, Atresmedia, Planeta, Godó, Mediaset España y Libertad Digital), en el contexto de las Elecciones Generales en España del año 2015. El estudio emplea una metodología cuantitativa con base a un análisis de contenido de los principales programas con espacios de opinión sobre política en la radio y televisión española, así como de los principales periódicos vinculados a estos grupos mediáticos. Asimismo, se emplea la herramienta metodológica composicional del CoDa-biplot, que contribuye a visualizar y enfatizar la relevancia relativa de los componentes en estudio. El artículo proporciona un mapeo de la agenda de los principales grupos de medios en el contexto electoral, al tiempo que alcanza la representación de los efectos del priming y la espiral del silencio en el estudio proporcional de los issues y emisores de la agenda.

The same, but different -- A view from the top -- Religious and political identities -- Political engagement -- Cultural engagement -- Toward and evangelical identity -- Appendices: Sample instrument for elite interviews ; Survey for focus groups ; Descriptive statistics of focus group participants.

THIS STUDY EXAMINES POLITICAL, INSTITUTIONAL AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES ON MONETARY POLICY IN THE LONG RUN. A MONETARY POLICY REACTION FUNCTION IS ESTIMATED, WHICH FOCUSES PRINCIPALLY ON THE INFLUENCE OF THE ADMINISTRATION, CONGRESS AND THE FEDERAL RESERVE ON OUTCOMES; THESE INFLUENCES ARE ESTIMATED TOGETHER WITH A VARIETY OF ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTROLS. THE FINDINGS SHOW THAT PARTISAN CONTROL OF THE WHITE HOUSE IS PARTICULARLY IMPORTANT IN EXPLAINING VARIATIONS IN THE GROWTH OF THE QUANTITY OF MONEY OVER TIME. REPUBLICAN CONTROL OF THE WHITE HOUSE IS ASSOCIATED WITH TIGHTER MONEY, AND DEMOCRATIC CONTROL WITH LOOSER MONEY, BUT THERE ARE EXCEPTIONS. FINALLY, THE INDIRECT INFLUENCE OF PARTISANSHIP ON THE E ECONOMIC VARIABLES IN THE REACTION FUNCTION SUGGEST THAT THE TOTAL EFECTS ARE STRONGER THAN THE DIRECT EFFECTS ALONE.

This short introduction sets out the rationale for the special issue. It introduces the concepts of intergovernmental relations (IGR) and party political incongruence which are central to the analyses contained in the issue. It considers the nature and form of intergovernmental relations in the early years of devolution, under conditions of predominant party congruence in the composition of the central and sub-state governments. It then develops the hypothesised relationship between party political incongruence and intergovernmental relations, focusing on the nature and structure of IGR. It introduces the key questions to be addressed in the issue and each of the subsequent contributions which explore this relationship in greater depth.

This article investigates the relationship between anti-immigration attitudes and political participation in European democracies. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018), we first show that a participation gap between pro- and anti-immigrant citizens exists for all types of political participation, even though the gap in voting is relatively small. The analyses also show that leftist and centrist anti-immigrant citizens participate less than leftist and centrist pro-immigration citizens, whereas their right-leaning counterparts participate almost as much in politics as do right-leaning pro-immigrant citizens. The observed participation gap points to the fact that there is a reservoir of anti-immigrant leftist and centrist citizens potentially waiting to be mobilized in many European countries.

Intro -- Contents -- Political Theorizing in Black: An Introduction-Melvin L. Rogers and Jack Turner -- 1. Phillis Wheatley and the Rhetoric of Politics and Race-Vincent Carretta -- 2. David Walker: Citizenship, Judgment, Freedom, and Solidarity-Melvin L. Rogers -- 3. Martin Delany's Two Principles, the Argument for Emigration, and Revolutionary Black Nationalism-Robert Gooding-Williams -- 4. Harriet Jacobs: Prisoner of Hope-Nick Bromell -- 5. Frederick Douglass: Nonsovereign Freedom and the Plurality of Political Resistance-Sharon R. Krause -- 6. Alexander Crummell's Three Visions of Black Nationalism-Frank M. Kirkland -- 7. Booker T. Washington and the Politics of Deception-Desmond Jagmohan -- 8. Anna Julia Cooper: Radical Relationality and the Ethics of Interdependence-Carol Wayne White -- 9. Ida B. Wells on Racial Criminalization-Naomi Murakawa -- 10. W. E. B. Du Bois: Afro- modernism, Expressivism, and the Curse of Centrality-Paul C. Taylor -- 11. Marcus Garvey: The Black Prince?-Michael Dawson -- 12. A. Philip Randolph: Radicalizing Rights at the Intersection of Class and Race-Michael McCann -- 13. Zora Neale Hurston's Radical Individualism-Farah Jasmine Griffin -- 14. George S. Schuyler: Post-Souls Satirist-Jeffrey B. Ferguson -- 15. C. L. R. James: Race, Revolution, and Black Liberation-Anthony Bogues -- 16. Langston Hughes's Ambivalent Political Expressivism-Jason Frank -- 17. Thurgood Marshall: The Legacy and Limits of Equality under the Law-Daniel Moak -- 18. Richard Wright: Realizing the Promise of the West-Tommie Shelby -- 19. Bayard Rustin: Between Democratic Theory and Black Political Thought-George Shulman -- 20. Ralph Ellison: Democratic Theorist-Danielle Allen -- 21. James Baldwin: Democracy between Nihilism and Hope-John E. Drabinski -- 22. Malcolm X: Dispatches on Racial Cruelty-Nikhil Pal Singh.

This book departs from the premise that political discourse is intrinsically connected with media discourse, as shaped by its cultural and transcultural characteristics. It presents a collection of papers which examine political discourse in the media from a cross-culturally comparative perspective in Arab, Dutch, British, Finnish, Flemish, French, German, Israeli, Swedish, US-American and international contexts. By using different theoretical frameworks, such as conversation analysis, discourse analysis, pragmatics and systemic functional linguistics, the papers reflect current moves in polit.

Sociological theories of cosmopolitanism address its development at different geographical scales, raising questions of the global demos and the global political community. This article considers international human rights as a resource for building global solidarity, and argues that the way in which international human rights are made and enforced primarily by national states must be taken seriously if they are to be considered as such. "Ethical cosmopolitanism" (Benhabib 2002) must be forged among the citizens of national territories for global social democracy to be a real possibility. The concepts of political culture and cultural politics are discussed as valuable for thinking through the relationship between ethical cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan democracy and there is preliminary investigation of three different types of "jurisgenerative politics," considered as sites of cultural politics rather than – as Benhabib does – as contributing directly to ethical cosmopolitanism.

Common sense recognizes emotion's ability to influence judgments. We argue that affective processes, in addition to generating feeling states, also influence how political cognition is manifested. Drawing on the theory of affective intelligence, we examine the role that anxiety plays in how and when people rely on predispositions and when they rely on contemporaneous information in making political tolerance judgments. We report on two experimental studies to test our arguments. In the first study we find that extrinsic anxiety generates a resistance response among subjects who hold a strong predisposition and a receptive response among those who do not. In the second study we present subjects with explicit "frames" exposing them to a pro‐ or anti‐free speech message. We find that extrinsic anxiety enhances responsiveness to frames while an absence of anxiety diminishes the impact of these frames. Taken together these results show that affective processes shape how people make political judgments.

ABSTRACTFew extended analyses of the concept of political stability have been published, much of the literature concentrating on an analysis of its causes. This article discusses the main approaches to stability and examines two recent conceptualizations by Ake and by Sanders. It is argued that both are unsatisfactory, and an alternative definition is developed, starting from first principles. The problems of identity and change are examined, and what counts as the survival of a political object is specified. A stable political object is defined as one that possesses the capacity to prevent its own forced non‐survival. It is argued that stability cannot be quantified and that there are thus no degrees of stability.