Suchergebnisse

Abstract
In Western European welfare states, research shows that support for welfare chauvinism, or the notion that welfare benefits for immigrants should be restricted, is highest among white, blue-collar working-class voters. On the other hand, higher-educated, middle-class voters are more likely to reject welfare chauvinism and support the inclusion of immigrants into the welfare state. For social democratic parties, this might pose an electoral dilemma between generous welfare states and open borders: They rely on both middle- and working-class constituencies and are ideologically tied both to a universal welfare state and the protection of (national) workers. To what extent does such an electoral dilemma between classes exist for social democratic parties? How do social democratic parties solve this dilemma when in government? In this paper, we postulate that a class divide around welfare chauvinism exists within the electorate for social democratic parties and that these parties' policies in government reflect these divides: If the social democratic electorate has a high share of working-class voters, they should act more welfare chauvinist than if their electorate is mostly middle class. We test these hypotheses by combining survey and macro-level policy data in 14 Western European countries from 1980 to 2018. We find consistent evidence of the existence of a working-class/middle-class divide regarding welfare chauvinism, even within social democratic electorates. On the macro-level, we find partial evidence that social democratic parties in power respond to the class demands of their electorate: They are less welfare chauvinist when they have a higher proportion of middle-class voters, whereas their working-class vote share does not significantly condition their policies at all, contrary to assumptions in the literature. We therefore conclude that as social democratic parties become parties of the middle classes, the likelihood that they will retrench immigrant welfare rights reduces.

Aus israelischer Sicht

The Soviet ruling elite, the nomenklatura, used both cooption & political repression to encourage loyalty to the communist regime. Loyalty was critical both in defusing internal opposition to the rule of the nomenklatura & in either deterring or defeating foreign enemies of the Soviet Union. The cost of coopting people into the Communist Party was a decrease in the standard of living of members of the nomenklatura, whereas the cost of political repression was the danger that members of the nomenklatura would themselves be victimized. We assume that the nomenklatura determined the extent of cooption & the intensity of political repression by equating perceived marginal benefits & marginal costs. We use this assumption to construct an account of the historical evolution of policies of cooption & political repression in the Soviet Union. 1 Figure, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – "Fidesz," led by V.Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamo Vengrijos socialistų partijos (MSZP), valdžiusios šalį 1994-1998 m. ir 2002-2010 m., ilgalaikio nuopuolio praStraipsnyje tiriamos Vengrijos socialistų partijos (MSZP), valdžiusios šalį 1994–1998m. ir 2002–2010m., ilgalaikio nuopuolio priežastys. Būdama viena stipriausių ir labiausiai institucionalizuotų politinių jėgų ne tik Vengrijoje, bet ir visoje Vidurio Rytų Europoje (VRE), MSZP per 2010m. parlamento rinkimus patyrė triuškinamą pralaimėjimą savo pagrindiniams politiniams priešininkams – V.Orbáno vadovaujamai "Fidesz". Atliekama lyginamoji šių dviejų partijų organizacinės raidos analizė. Surinkti įrodymai liudija centralizuoto partijos valdymo ir kryptingų pastangų organizuoti pilietinę visuomenę veiksnių reikšmę nulemiant pagrindinių Vengrijos politinių partijų tarpusavio konkurencijos dinamikąiaežastys. Būdama viena stipriausių ir labiausiai institucionalizuotų politinių jėgų ne tik Vengrijoje, bet ir visoje Vidurio Rytų Europoje (VRE), MSZP patyrė triuškinantį pralaimėjimą per 2010 m. parlamento rinkimus savo pagrindiniams politiniams priešininkams – V. Orbáno vadovaujamai "Fidesz". Vėlesnės socialistų pastangos atsitiesti nedavė rezultatų, ir jų politinė įtaka dar labiau sumažėjo. Tekste šis MSZP nuosmukis analizuojamas kaip ekstremalus VRE socialdemokratinių jėgų fragmentacijos atvejis. Pagrindinis dėmesys skiriamas partijų organizacijų raidai ir kitiems instituciniams veiksniams.

Abstract
A hundred years ago, Dutch men won the fight for the vote. This revision of the constitution was a product of 'pacification' – a deal between confessional and liberal and social democratic parties. In historiography, the arrangement of women's suffrage in 1917 is seen as, at best, a much less interesting historic fact than this victory of men. The new constitution granted women the right to be candidates, but women, of all classes, had to wait until men would grant them the right to actively vote themselves. This essay sheds light on the last years of the struggle for women's suffrage by exploring the adventures of the association 'De Neutrale Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht' (The Neutral Association for Women's Suffrage). The leaders of this association left the large 'Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht' (Association for Women's Suffrage). According to Wilhelmina Drucker, one of the leaders of 'De Neutrale' and the most outspoken advocate of the purity of equal rights claim, the 1917 arrangement was a victory of the male sex, and not a class victory. In the course of events, the majority of 'De Neutrale' also resigned to the promise of a vote in the future. The political establishment watched over the hegemonic privilege of men as long as possible.
Exploration of this 'small history' in the long history of citizens' political rights sheds light on the problematic relation between gender and citizenship until the very end of the struggle for the vote. It highlights the clash in the women's suffrage movement between a radical minority and the realistic majority and the difficult relationship between the idea of equal rights for all citizens as a core democratic principle, and the force of day to day power politics of political parties.

International audience ; The Nazi Temptation of the Unemployed in Weimar Germany: a False Historical Hypothesis orObviousness ?Emmanuel PierruThis article reviews the main historical researches which emphazise on the issue of the political effectsof mass unemployment in Weimar Germany. The complexity and the tangle of those effects (direct,indirect, contextual) lead to question the common representation of the supposed decisive impact ofunemployment in the Nazi dynamics. Electorally speaking, and considering that sociologicalinvestigation is confronted to severe statistical difficulties and to the risk of ecological fallacy, thehypothesis of a direct effect of unemployment on the Nazi Party electoral scores has to be refuted,meanwhile a "transfer effect" seems plausible. In this period, the forms of radicalization were closelyconnected with the structuration of political supply. The paramilitarization of the Weimar society and ofthe main political parties (Nazi Party and, above all, Communist Party) accounts for the enlistment ofsome unemployed in their ranks. ; Cet article propose un bilan critique des travaux historiographiques sur la question des effets politiquesdu chômage dans l'Allemagne de Weimar. Il montre que la complexité et l'enchevêtrement de ceseffets (directs, indirects, contextuels) appellent à nuancer très sérieusement la représentationcommune qui voit dans le chômage et les chômeurs un puissant levier de la dynamique nazie. D'unpoint de vue électoral, et par-delà les redoutables difficultés de méthodologie statistique ainsi que lesrisques d'erreurs écologiques liées à l'interprétation de données agrégées, les recherches ont montréqu'il faut réfuter l'hypothèse d'un effet direct du chômage sur les résultats électoraux du NSDAP (àl'inverse de ce qu'on constate pour le Parti communiste allemand - KPD). Cependant, un possible effetde transfert n'est pas à exclure. Les formes de « radicalisation » observables sur cette périodeapparaissent davantage liées à la structuration de l'offre politique et à ...

International audience ; The Nazi Temptation of the Unemployed in Weimar Germany: a False Historical Hypothesis orObviousness ?Emmanuel PierruThis article reviews the main historical researches which emphazise on the issue of the political effectsof mass unemployment in Weimar Germany. The complexity and the tangle of those effects (direct,indirect, contextual) lead to question the common representation of the supposed decisive impact ofunemployment in the Nazi dynamics. Electorally speaking, and considering that sociologicalinvestigation is confronted to severe statistical difficulties and to the risk of ecological fallacy, thehypothesis of a direct effect of unemployment on the Nazi Party electoral scores has to be refuted,meanwhile a "transfer effect" seems plausible. In this period, the forms of radicalization were closelyconnected with the structuration of political supply. The paramilitarization of the Weimar society and ofthe main political parties (Nazi Party and, above all, Communist Party) accounts for the enlistment ofsome unemployed in their ranks. ; Cet article propose un bilan critique des travaux historiographiques sur la question des effets politiquesdu chômage dans l'Allemagne de Weimar. Il montre que la complexité et l'enchevêtrement de ceseffets (directs, indirects, contextuels) appellent à nuancer très sérieusement la représentationcommune qui voit dans le chômage et les chômeurs un puissant levier de la dynamique nazie. D'unpoint de vue électoral, et par-delà les redoutables difficultés de méthodologie statistique ainsi que lesrisques d'erreurs écologiques liées à l'interprétation de données agrégées, les recherches ont montréqu'il faut réfuter l'hypothèse d'un effet direct du chômage sur les résultats électoraux du NSDAP (àl'inverse de ce qu'on constate pour le Parti communiste allemand - KPD). Cependant, un possible effetde transfert n'est pas à exclure. Les formes de « radicalisation » observables sur cette périodeapparaissent davantage liées à la structuration de l'offre politique et à ...