Suchergebnisse

Hugh Cunningham recently argued that in nineteenth-century Europe, social con trol was the major concern of authorities promoting both child labor and public education. This article examines this thesis for nineteenth-century São Paulo, Bra zil, using Portuguese legislation concerning orphans, cases of tutorship, criminal records, records of child labor from industries, and annual reports of São Paulo primary teachers. The evidence shows that child labor was regarded as educa tional both in the moral sense and to acquire skills for children age seven and older and that employers also valued child labor. The efforts to develop public educa tion, on the other hand, were hampered by the resistance of parents to sending their children to school rather than sending them to work or using them for chores at home. While social control was definitely an underlying agenda of elites in their ideas for popular education (since it was seen to prevent crime), the contribution of child labor to household economy was much more important from the perspec tive of average Brazilian families.

The Australian debate over industry policy centers on arguments about tariffs, micro-economic reform, corporate welfare and tax incentives. It is not surprising then that our understanding of industry development is relatively poor. The key point missed by the standard economic models is that industries do not develop in isolation. This paper examines the complex social, political and economic relationships associated with the emergence of the Australian magnesium metal industry. The purpose of the paper is to show that 'networks' play an important part in industry development. They enable a company to cope with either technological uncertainty, lack of knowledge, skills or funding. The study illustrates the process of networking as a development strategy for a small company. Finally, it is argued that 'innovation networks' could be a means of policy reorientation. This approach recognises how essential it is to involve potential users in industry development. The case study shows the need of an activist industry policy in order to pick industry winners.

RésuméPour les petits Etats européens, comme la Suisse, qui avaient réussi à concilier stabilité politique et flexibilité économique, les années 90 marquent un tournant important par l'ampleur des mesures de libéralisation réalisées ou en cours. L'"ajustement" à l'évolution de l'environnement international ne se limite plus aux secteurs déjà soumis à la concurrence internationale mais touche l'ensemble de l'économie: agriculture, entreprises publiques, marchés publics, marché du travail, réglementation de la main d'oeuvre étrangère ou encore promotion de la concurrence sur le marché intérieur. Alors que l'ancienne législation sur les cartels se caractérisait par sa permissivité et sa faible portée, la nouvelle loi s'apparente dans ses grandes lignes au droit européen de la concurrence. Après une présentation des particularités de l'ancienne loi, le texte analyse le processus de révision: les impulsions internes et externes, le rôle des acteurs impliqués et les coalitions qui ont permis l'aboutissement de cette révision. Pour terminer, nous revenons sur quelques considérations théoriques plus générales.

In this paper I challenge the notion that an emerging global legal culture modeled on US legal practices will necessarily come to dominate global legal practices in the economic sphere. Rather, I argue that the ascendance of Asian economic power will have significant implications for the sorts of legal as well as business institutions that are likely to dominate in the next century. Specifically, I argue that Chinese busi ness culture, with its emphasis on informal relationships and flexible organization, has a strong affinity for the new forms of flexible production that characterize an important and growing portion of the world economy. Drawing on world-systems theory, research on Chinese business organization and culture, and my own field- work, I argue that the 'legal convergence' hypothesis may well be premature: that the rise of the East Asian economies, linked together through the Chinese business diaspora, may well herald not only the decline of North American and European global economic dominance, but along with it the hegemony of their associated legal forms

El objetivo del presente análisis es revisar la evolución que tuvo el llamado complejo militar- burocrático-industrial soviético y el desarrollo que ha tenido, en la posguerra fría, el complejo militar-industrial ruso, así como los desafíos que enfrenta este último de cara al siglo xxi. Existen grandes diferencias entre uno y otro. El primero se comportó conforme a consideraciones estratégicas estrechamente relacionadas con el entorno bipolar y la premisa de la suma- cero. El segundo, en cambio, opera sobre todo a partir de criterios estrictamente comerciales, donde la supervivencia hace a un lado los riesgos que entraña la venta indiscriminada de pertrechos militares a países cuya conducta, en las relaciones internacionales, no es del todo predecible. Con todo, Rusia está recuperando rápidamente una posición preponderante en el comercio internacional de armamento, y su principal rival en esta empresa es Estados Unidos, el beneficiario más importante del colapso soviético en términos del abastecimiento de sistemas de armas a los principales consumidores y clientes de la ex URSS.

One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.

'In all matters of importance, style and not content
is the
important thing': Oscar Wilde, The Importance of Being Earnest.Populism is a concept which, despite repeated critiques, refuses to

disappear from Latin American studies. This article reviews some of the

literature, suggesting that populism is best defined in terms of a
particular
political style, characteristically involving a proclaimed
rapport with 'the people',
a 'them-and-us' mentality, and (often, though not necessarily)
a period of crisis
and mobilisation; none of which makes it exceptional, abnormal, 'unmediated'

or irrational. Mexican – among other – examples are invoked.
The article
questions some received opinions: that populism is typically urban, relates
to
particular historical stages of development, or distinctively derives from
either
multi-class alliances or elite manipulation. It also queries the fashionable
notion
of 'economic populism'. Finally, the article notes the recent
phenomenon of
'neo-populism', embodied by Salinas, Menem, Fujimori, etc.,
which a suitably
loose ('stylistic') definition can usefully accommodate,
thus suggesting the
continued, if limited, utility of the concept.

English
The Labour government's 'Welfare to Work' strategy has been met with criticism on two grounds; the first relates to its free market orientation which is unlikely to reduce labour market inequalities. The second is its capacity to deliver given a stringent macro monetary policy and tight public expenditure constraints which will slow down economic growth and labour demand. In contrast with the UK, Denmark implemented a major reform of its welfare and labour market system in 1994, which essentially retains major elements of the Nordic model. The purpose of this article is to assess critically the development and implementation of the Danish labour market reform programme and consider its relevance for the UK. The article argues that Denmark offers a 'working alternative' to free market and neo-liberal policies. As the welfare and labour market reforms are geared towards building a skill base, increasing democracy and accountability and reducing inequality, there are important lessons and guiding principles for the UK.

The US economy continued to expand strongly in the first half of this year. GDP rose by 2 per cent compared to the latter half of last year, broadly in line with the pace of growth observed throughout 1997. The unemployment rate fell to its lowest level since 1970, with private sector demand continuing to reflect the impact of the sustained appreciation in equity prices since 1994. We expect GDP growth to be a little under 3½ per cent this year. Recent events have sharply changed the short-term economic outlook for the coming months. Growth is now projected to slow significantly, with domestic demand pressures easing and external demand remaining weak. The correction in equity prices and the tighter financial conditions facing many companies should begin to exert a significant drag on economic growth, in spite of likely further relaxation in the stance of monetary policy. GDP is expected to rise by around 1½ per cent both in 1999 and in the year 2000. If credit market conditions were to tighten further, or asset prices to show a renewed decline, then the economy could well move close to outright recession by the end of next year.

This paper analyses the transformation and redefinition of local identity in rural France from the perspective of heritage – more precisely food and gastronomy – and local rural tourism. As an identity marker of a geographic area and/or as a means of promoting farm products, gastronomy meets the specific needs of consumers, local producers and other actors in rural tourism. The paper considers the meaning of food from a theoretical perspective. The current interest in traditional food and cuisine is part of a general desire for authentic experiences. At the regional level, the dynamics of building up heritage consist in actualizing, adapting, and re‐interpreting elements from the past, thus combining conservation and innovation. Local development can be seen as a process of territorial and heritage construction. Culinary heritage is a social construction and an important resource for local action. The paper examines the case of the Haut Plateau de l'Aubrac (Central France), where the local development process is closely linked to the valorization and the re‐creation of gastronomic knowledge and skill.

The aim of this paper is to clarify the role played by referential factors in the development of a spatial code during reading. Specifically, it explores whether this spatial encoding is determined by referential events related to a change in narrative mode which affect the integration process. Participants read narrative texts consisting of two paragraphs in which the point of view either changed or remained the same. The display mode was also manipulated (spatialized versus nonspatialized presentation). The results of experiment 1 (reading task) indicated that readers take more time to read text containing a change in point of view. Using a new methodology to assess spatial memory, experiments 2 (visual-search pointing task) and 3 (memory-search pointing task) showed that subjects are faster and more accurate at locating text areas where such perspective shifts occurred. It is proposed that spatial encoding is a strategic process optimizing potentials by backtracking to important parts of a text in order to solve referential difficulties occurring later in the text.

En la Primera Guerra Mundial, se recurrió, por primera vez, al empleo generalizado de agentes químicos en los principales frentes bélicos, lo que causó un número sin precedentes de víctimas. Apenas terminada la guerra, se desplegaron esfuerzos para proscribir estas armas. La Sociedad de Naciones se encargó de elaborar las normas específicas, poniéndose así de relieve la convicción de que esta cuestión era de interés mundial y no sólo de las potencias victoriosas. El 17 de junio de 1925, firmaron el Protocolo de Ginebra sobre la prohibición del empleo en la guerra de gases asfixiantes, tóxicos o similares y de medios bacteriológicos 26 Estados. En este tratado, se prohíbe categóricamente recurrir a medios de combate químicos y biológicos. Aunque la firma del Protocolo despertó grandes esperanzas de una efectiva prohibición de las armas químicas, la adhesión al tratado progresó lentamente. Varios Estados, que, a todas luces, dudaban de que el Protocolo pudiera aplicarse con la firmeza prevista en el texto, formularon importantes reservas.

How do governments deal with human rights violations committed by former regimes? South Africa's solution has been to set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which offers amnesty to perpetrators who tell the truth about the past and disclose their deeds to the victims; the goal is the reconciliation of former enemies. While the TRC has a clear political focus, it is at its heart a deeply theological and ethical initiative. At times, however, it appears that ethics and theology are at cross-purposes, that justice is less important than Christian mercy; this viewpoint springs from a narrow understanding of what constitutes justice. Does offering amnesty to perpetrators and forgiving enemies deny the victims justice? Or does the TRC embody a "different kind of justice," as one commentator recently suggested? In this overview of the TRC—its establishment, procedures, and principles—special attention is given to the ethical and theological arguments for this unique approach.

This article reports on an analysis of the long‐term budgetary effects of selling federal power programs at market value. The analysis looks at changes in future budgetary receipts and costs for power operations and at changes in future federal taxes as a result of new ownership. Under current rate‐setting policy, federal agencies must generate a future operating surplus (and hence, budgetary income) worth about $46 billion in today's dollars to repay past capital investments. With optimistic assumptions about rising power rates, market values for all federal power assets (including the power‐generation assets of the Bureau of Reclamation and the Corps of Engineers) could be as high as $62 billion. In that case, their sale would produce long‐term budgetary savings of about $16 billion, in today's dollars. The analysis also notes that budgetary savings are not a measure of the gains in economic efficiency from privatization. Such considerations as efficiency or fairness to particular groups will be important in any debate about the future of federal power programs.