Suchergebnisse

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) process aimed to be more inclusive, transparent, and participatory than prior United Nations processes. This article traces the practices of representation that were performed by civil society actors during the SDG process. In doing so, we advance a performative approach in which the very process of making representation is examined. Its aim is to conceptualize and study representation as an aesthetic and political practice. This leads to the two central research questions of this article: How do civil society organizations in global environmental politics make representative claims by picturing their envisioned future? How are future representations (that is, the representation of futures or future beings) related to actor positions during the SDG process? Special emphasis is given to representations of "the future" as an ever-present frame of reference in environmental politics. Based on a systematic content analysis of the statements of two Major Groups—Children, and Youth and Farmers—we discuss the variety of future representations between the Major Groups and how especially more radical future representations are connected to rather precarious actor positions in representative claims.

"The Arab Spring put non-governmental public action centre-stage in the drive for greater social justice. Governments, politicians and international institutions increasingly court non-governmental public actors, engaging them in policy dialogue, inviting them to participate in the delivery of social services, and looking to them to re-invigorate democratic politics. This unique collection explores the different organizational forms, strategies and tactics that activists adopt to pursue social justice goals and analyses how histories of resistance impinge on contemporary activism in both positive and negative ways. The authors examine how established corporatist trades unions struggle to reform as new forms of labour resistance challenge their legitimacy and proximity to government. They analyse how non-governmental public actors negotiate various 'civil society dilemmas' that emerge in the new spaces for collaboration opened up by government, focusing particularly on threats to their values, autonomy and legitimacy. They also explore the efforts of non-governmental public actors to secure greater justice in the sphere of production and distribution, be that through co-operatives or through consumer rights activism around access to essential drugs."--Publisher's website.

International audience ; Operation EUNAVFOR Sophia leads by European Union through Common Security and Defense Policy against human smugglers and traffickers aims to disrupt the business model of traffickers. It's now taking place on high sea and is sustained by United Nations Security Council. An intervention on territorial waters and of course on land territory should require an authorization of Security Council and possibly of Libyan government. It's now very doubtful. The relevance of Operation EUNAVFOR is also discussed because its single effect could be to push traffickers to change their roads. ; L'Opération EUNAVFOR Sophia conduite par l'Union européenne, dans le cadre de la PSDC contre les trafiquants d'êtres humains en Méditerranée a pour but d'interrompre le business model des trafiquants. Elle se déroule pour l'instant dans les eaux internationales au large de la Libye, elle a reçu l'appui politique du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Une intervention dans les eaux territoriales et a fortiori sur le territoire terrestre exigerait cependant une autorisation du Conseil, éventuellement de la Libye, ce qui est pour l'instant très incertain. La pertinence même de l'opération est aussi discutée car elle risque de n'avoir pour effet que de pousser les trafiquants à changer leurs itinéraires.

International audience ; Operation EUNAVFOR Sophia leads by European Union through Common Security and Defense Policy against human smugglers and traffickers aims to disrupt the business model of traffickers. It's now taking place on high sea and is sustained by United Nations Security Council. An intervention on territorial waters and of course on land territory should require an authorization of Security Council and possibly of Libyan government. It's now very doubtful. The relevance of Operation EUNAVFOR is also discussed because its single effect could be to push traffickers to change their roads. ; L'Opération EUNAVFOR Sophia conduite par l'Union européenne, dans le cadre de la PSDC contre les trafiquants d'êtres humains en Méditerranée a pour but d'interrompre le business model des trafiquants. Elle se déroule pour l'instant dans les eaux internationales au large de la Libye, elle a reçu l'appui politique du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Une intervention dans les eaux territoriales et a fortiori sur le territoire terrestre exigerait cependant une autorisation du Conseil, éventuellement de la Libye, ce qui est pour l'instant très incertain. La pertinence même de l'opération est aussi discutée car elle risque de n'avoir pour effet que de pousser les trafiquants à changer leurs itinéraires.

International audience ; Operation EUNAVFOR Sophia leads by European Union through Common Security and Defense Policy against human smugglers and traffickers aims to disrupt the business model of traffickers. It's now taking place on high sea and is sustained by United Nations Security Council. An intervention on territorial waters and of course on land territory should require an authorization of Security Council and possibly of Libyan government. It's now very doubtful. The relevance of Operation EUNAVFOR is also discussed because its single effect could be to push traffickers to change their roads. ; L'Opération EUNAVFOR Sophia conduite par l'Union européenne, dans le cadre de la PSDC contre les trafiquants d'êtres humains en Méditerranée a pour but d'interrompre le business model des trafiquants. Elle se déroule pour l'instant dans les eaux internationales au large de la Libye, elle a reçu l'appui politique du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Une intervention dans les eaux territoriales et a fortiori sur le territoire terrestre exigerait cependant une autorisation du Conseil, éventuellement de la Libye, ce qui est pour l'instant très incertain. La pertinence même de l'opération est aussi discutée car elle risque de n'avoir pour effet que de pousser les trafiquants à changer leurs itinéraires.

International audience ; Operation EUNAVFOR Sophia leads by European Union through Common Security and Defense Policy against human smugglers and traffickers aims to disrupt the business model of traffickers. It's now taking place on high sea and is sustained by United Nations Security Council. An intervention on territorial waters and of course on land territory should require an authorization of Security Council and possibly of Libyan government. It's now very doubtful. The relevance of Operation EUNAVFOR is also discussed because its single effect could be to push traffickers to change their roads. ; L'Opération EUNAVFOR Sophia conduite par l'Union européenne, dans le cadre de la PSDC contre les trafiquants d'êtres humains en Méditerranée a pour but d'interrompre le business model des trafiquants. Elle se déroule pour l'instant dans les eaux internationales au large de la Libye, elle a reçu l'appui politique du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Une intervention dans les eaux territoriales et a fortiori sur le territoire terrestre exigerait cependant une autorisation du Conseil, éventuellement de la Libye, ce qui est pour l'instant très incertain. La pertinence même de l'opération est aussi discutée car elle risque de n'avoir pour effet que de pousser les trafiquants à changer leurs itinéraires.

The rearrangement of global politics was an inevitable consequence of the Second World War. As part of this process, even before the war ended, the Soviet Union took steps which would provide a basis for her future policies. Accordingly, it embarked on a war of nerves on Turkey. This new struggle not only affected the relations between Turkey and the Soviet Union but also had profound effects on the relations between Turkey and Britain, which had been officially linked with an alliance prior to the Second World War. While Britain endeavoured to keep what was left of its global dominance, Turkey struggled to stand firm against the threat imposed by an emerging super power neighbouring country. Since the search for support from the United States, which had emerged as another global super power at the end of the war, proved futile for Turkish policy makers, they naturally turned to their British ally. In the light of the above-mentioned, the aim of this study is to evaluate the effects of the Soviet threat facedby Turkey in the early Cold War era on Anglo-Turkish relations as perceived by the British Foreign Office. ; İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın sona ermesi ile birlikte küresel politikaların yeniden şekillenmesi kaçınılmaz bir süreç olarak ortaya çıktı. Bu süreçte, henüz savaş sona ermeden gelecek politikalarının temelini teşkil edecek adımları atan Sovyetler Birliği, bu politikaların bir uzantısı olarak Türkiye üzerinde bir sinir savaşı başlattı. Bu savaş, sadece Türk-Sovyet ilişkilerini etkilemekle kalmayıp, aynı zamanda Türkiye'nin savaş öncesinde bir ittifak ile bağlanmış olduğu İngiltere ile olan ilişkilerini de etkiledi. Bir yandan İngiltere, kaybetmekte olduğu küresel hegemonyadan kalanları elinde tutmaya çalışırken, diğer yandan Türkiye de sınır komşusu birsüper gücün tehdidine karşı durmaya çalışıyordu. Türk dış politikasını belirleyenlerin bu noktada, savaş sonunda küresel bir süper güç olarak Amerika Birleşik Devletleri nezdinde bulamadığı desteği, hâlihazırda bir ittifak içerisinde olduğu İngiltere'de ...

Salaria Kea was the only African American woman to serve with the American Medical Unit during the Spanish Civil War. Her experience has been silenced and edited within the archive by traditionally more authoritative voices. Reconsidering the impact of intersectionality on personal experience can lead to a better understanding of Black U.S. participation in voluntary war efforts as well as to a decentering of the predominant euro-centric versions of the war in Spain and of history in general. The impetus of many African Americans to join the fight against fascism in Spain stemmed directly from the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, and the Spanish war in 1936 symbolized racial freedom from fascist oppression for many Black volunteers. For many female nurses, the war in Spain was a chance to actively participate in anti-fascist politics and work side by side with men on the front lines. Through a close textual analysis of papers in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives housed at New York University's Tamiment Library, this article examines the intersectional experience of Kea as a Black woman in Spain and uncovers the textual violence that has silenced her story in the archives.

Since Mary Queen of Scots' execution in 1587, she has become a symbol of Scottish identity, failed female leadership, and Catholic martyrdom. Throughout the twentieth century, Mary was regularly depicted on screen (Ford, 1936; Froelich, 1940; Jarrott, 1971) as a thrice-wed Catholic queen, unable to rule her country due to her feminine nature and Catholic roots. However, with the rise of third wave feminism and postfeminism in media, coupled with the increased influence of female directors and writers, Mary's characterization has shifted from portraying female/emotional weakness and religious sacrifice to female/collaborative strength in hardship and a struggle against patriarchal prejudice. Josie Rourke's film Mary Queen of Scots (2018) and CW's Reign (2013-2017) present a queen who is no longer limited to her religious identity as a Catholic martyr, and consequently a weak ruler. Instead religious division is mostly sidelined, and gendered politics is the central struggle, highlighting similarities between Mary and Queen Elizabeth I of England, where previous films presented opposites. Together, these two productions transform Mary's narrative from fragility and religion, into a struggle against misogynistic control of powerful women.

Seit den 1970er Jahren ist Schweden für seine liberale Einwanderungspolitik und sein Bekenntnis zum Multikulturalismus bekannt. Im Vergleich zu anderen europäischen Ländern scheint es, als ob Multikulturalismus in Schweden funktioniere, insofern als ein Großteil der Bevölkerung die Zunahme ethno-kultureller Vielfalt akzeptiert hat und gegenläufige Stimmen weder im öffentlichen Diskurs noch in der Politik Fuß fassen konnten. Die Hypothese dieses Artikels ist, dass Schwedens diesbezügliche Exzeptionalität zumindest teilweise Ergebnis einer Politik und Praxis ist, die seit den 1960er und 1970er Jahren Einstellungen und öffentlichen Diskurs zu ethnischer Vielfalt zu formen versucht. Das schwedische Integrationsregime, eingeführt nachdem die schwedische Regierung den Status des Landes als multikulturelle Gesellschaft als Tatsache anerkannt hatte, erhebt »gegenseitige Integration« zur Verpflichtung, womit die Etablierung einer positiven Einstellung gegenüber Einwanderern innerhalb der Mehrheitsbevölkerung gemeint sein soll. Diese Politik beinhaltete das Ziel, die öffentliche Meinung zu Einwanderung und ethnischer Vielfalt dahingehend zu formen, dass Multikulturalismus möglich und die Schweden zunehmend toleranter würden. ; Since the 1970s, Sweden has been renowned for its liberal immigration policy and its dedication to multiculturalism. In comparison to other European countries, Sweden seems to have made multiculturalism work, in the sense that the majority population has accepted the increase of ethno-cultural diversity, and anti-multiculturalist sentiment has not gained a strong foothold in public discourse and politics. This article hypothesises that the distinctive exceptionality of Sweden is, at least to a degree, the product of the Swedish policy and praxis on moulding attitudes and public discourse on ethnic diversity that was introduced in the 1960s and 1970s. The integration regime implemented in Sweden after the Swedish government accepted the fact that the country had become a multicultural society put an onus on »mutual integration«, i.e. the establishment of a positive attitude towards immigrants among the majority population. This policy included an aim to mould public discourse on immigration and ethnic diversity in order to make multiculturalism work, making the Swedes increasingly tolerant.

Examines Turkey as an example of integration of Islamic movements into a relatively democratic political system, focusing on externalization of Islamic political identity within state-society relations, and how the Welfare Party evolved from the margins to the forefront of modern Turkish politics; 1980s and 1990s, chiefly.

Since 2014, the Prime Minister of Thuringia is a member of The Left, a socialist party with roots in the former GDR. However, in the Western part of Germany The Left is hardly present in regional parliaments; a phenomenon that suggests important differences in voting behaviour in East and West. Looking at the voter turnout, the results of all relevant parties (CDU/CSU, SPD, FDP, Bundnis 90/Die Grunen, Die Linke/PDS, Die Republikaner, DVU, NPD) and the volatility for all elections to the Bundestag, the European Parliament and the parliaments of German Lander since 1990, a number of findings are surprising: the voter turnout is not essentially lower in the East than in the West and the volatility is not higher. Altogether there are both regional differences and similarities between East and West. Adapted from the source document.

Germany's Social Democratic Party, the spd, was in government between 2013 and 2021, but until just weeks before the federal election of 2021, its electoral prospects seemed poor. The party was able to turn things around and surge, in the final period of the campaign, to a remarkable victory. This article sets out structural challenges faced by social democrats in Europe in general and in Germany in particular, focusing on policies and voters, coalition politics, and questions about party organization. It argues that in each area, the spd, with a mixture of sound strategic choices and good fortune, was to some extent able to extricate itself from the challenges it faced, and that its success owed much to the peculiarities of the 2021 election.

This article explores the connections between West German autonomous women's movement and the green movement from inception of the green movement in the 1970s until its institutionalization with the Green Party in the 1980s. I argue that understanding the role of feminism in the movement and vice versa requires scholars to rethink the autonomous strategies of the New Women's Movement. In doing so, I contend that autonomous feminists understood the wider implications of the green movement beyond ecological preservation, thus aiding in the transition to political party. Entangling the two movements also highlights the limits of gender equality in the Green Party as it implemented the quota system in the 1980s, and offers lessons for the potential future success of gender parity in German politics.