Suchergebnisse

While the rise of neoliberal discourse in Australia during the term of the Howard government (1996–2007) has long been recognised, its relationship to changing understandings of citizenship is rarely theorised except in terms of economic ideology. However, neoliberalism can also be conceived as a political rationality whose logics are ultimately concerned with the regulation of human conduct. This article contends that the Australian Citizenship Test can be understood as part of such a process of regulation, and that analysing it in terms of neoliberal and liberal (neo/liberal) political rationalities demonstrates the extent to which the Howard government's multicultural policy was actually enabled by its predecessor, thereby providing a more nuanced understanding of how the test came to be a meaningful solution to the 'problem' of difference.

Abstract The dominant welfare regimes approach, like the historical‐institutionalism on which it draws, predicts path‐dependent responses to contemporary challenges. According to this, Canada's social policy regime clearly belongs to the (mainly Anglo‐American) 'liberal' family, where markets and families retain a key role, supplemented by modest state supports. Yet, as some have recognized, there are important differences among liberal regimes and within a particular welfare regime over time. There are, in other words, 'varieties of liberalism'. This article argues, moreover, that in the contemporary period Canadian welfare reform has been characterized by warring principles for redesign. While some have sought to deepen the postwar social project, the main trends have been neo‐liberal restructuring and, more recently, policies inspired by 'inclusive liberalism', though less deeply than under Blair's government in the UK. The continued existence of such alternatives suggests the need for a more nuanced conception of path‐dependent change, consistent with recent revisionist trends in historical‐institutionalism.

"In this book on Marxist ethics, Norman Fischer applies abstract political philosophy and intellectual history to rarely discussed texts in terms of Marxist ethics. These include Marx's never translated German notes on Machiavelli, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, as well as Lewis Henry Morgan's' Ancient Society. Fischer's philosophical analysis of these texts demonstrates that there is a strain of Marxist ethics that is only understandable in the context of the great works of Western political theory and philosophy, particularly those that emphasize the republican value of public spiritedness, the communitarian value of solidarity and the liberal values of liberty and equality"--

Explores gradual emergence of economic liberalism in the 1980s and the role it played in society's systemic transformation in the 1990s; prospects in light of lack of an adequate political vehicle and of popular support. Potential role of the European Union (EU).

The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently "engaged," as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of "liberalism," ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.

The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article. ; The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article.

The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article. ; The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article.