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Abstract The dominant welfare regimes approach, like the historical‐institutionalism on which it draws, predicts path‐dependent responses to contemporary challenges. According to this, Canada's social policy regime clearly belongs to the (mainly Anglo‐American) 'liberal' family, where markets and families retain a key role, supplemented by modest state supports. Yet, as some have recognized, there are important differences among liberal regimes and within a particular welfare regime over time. There are, in other words, 'varieties of liberalism'. This article argues, moreover, that in the contemporary period Canadian welfare reform has been characterized by warring principles for redesign. While some have sought to deepen the postwar social project, the main trends have been neo‐liberal restructuring and, more recently, policies inspired by 'inclusive liberalism', though less deeply than under Blair's government in the UK. The continued existence of such alternatives suggests the need for a more nuanced conception of path‐dependent change, consistent with recent revisionist trends in historical‐institutionalism.

"In this book on Marxist ethics, Norman Fischer applies abstract political philosophy and intellectual history to rarely discussed texts in terms of Marxist ethics. These include Marx's never translated German notes on Machiavelli, Montesquieu, and Rousseau, as well as Lewis Henry Morgan's' Ancient Society. Fischer's philosophical analysis of these texts demonstrates that there is a strain of Marxist ethics that is only understandable in the context of the great works of Western political theory and philosophy, particularly those that emphasize the republican value of public spiritedness, the communitarian value of solidarity and the liberal values of liberty and equality"--

Explores gradual emergence of economic liberalism in the 1980s and the role it played in society's systemic transformation in the 1990s; prospects in light of lack of an adequate political vehicle and of popular support. Potential role of the European Union (EU).

The history of French liberalism is undergoing a renaissance. For much of the twentieth century, it was viewed with disdain, as insufficiently "engaged," as too tentative in its demands for social reform, as overly optimistic concerning the progress of reason and science. Scholarship during the past three decades has challenged these views, though it is notable that there is still, to my knowledge, no general history of French liberalism that goes past the consolidation of the Third Republic in the late 1870s. Part of the ongoing reassessment has been the consequence of the decline of revolutionary illusions and of marxisant frameworks of analysis following 1968, reinforced by the more general decline of the left following the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the implosion of the Soviet Union in 1991. Another element contributing to this reassessment has been the emergence of more nuanced definitions of "liberalism," ones that are not limited to legal (civil liberties), political (constitutionalism), and/or economic (free trade) dimensions. Equally important, scholars are insisting, are conceptions of science, of religion, of the role of the state, of solidarity, of sociability, of moeurs, of identity, of gender, of the self.

The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article. ; The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article.

The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article. ; The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. Toon intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to thisreferring to the thesis of the article.

The aim of the paper consists in presenting the place occupied by Bernard Bosanquet's philosophy in the context of the welfare provision debate taking placentury in Britain. The main thesis of the article is that although often accused of totalitarian or radically individualist tendencies, which supposedly had an effect on his attitude towards eugenics, Bosanquet's treatment of the "social problem" may be seen as an application of moderate liberal principles. To on intellectual and political attitudes of the time towards eugenics, then passing to Bosanquet's stand in relation to this referring to the thesis of the article.

The presidential campaigns of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama have indicated an apparent resurgence in American liberalism. More significantly, they have underlined both the highly problematic nature of the liberal legacy within the Democratic Party and the difficulties of mobilising liberal themes in the battle of ideas that characterises the conduct of politics in the United States. The article examines the difficulty of the issue by reference to four predicaments that persistently condition the status and deployment of liberal themes. In analysing the problems of strategy, historical narrative, political positioning and ideational engagement, the study analyses the negative connotations of contemporary liberalism, the multiple limitations of liberal reform, and liberalism's deficiencies in the politics of America's core ideas. A revived liberal prospectus will depend upon the ingenuity of liberal forces in challenging the conservative ascendancy in ideational competition, and in renegotiating a public settlement of their own with the central strands of political legitimacy.

Comments on Aleksandras Shtromas's article on peace & how it can achieved & Gordon L. Anderson's consequent comment (see abstracts in SA 45:3). When social life was depoliticized & the private sector dominated the state, 1815-1914, there were relatively few wars & few cries for a global political organization for peace. Once the ideal of political & economic collectivism superseded the classic liberal ideal, man & society were repoliticized. This led to WWI & the drive for monopolized markets, regulation of trade, & militarization of internal relations. Private interests became subservient to the state & welfare statism. Shtromas's call for peace comes with the prerequisite of social justice, but there is no world consensus about politics or justice. It is argued that social justice is just powerful group interests espousing an ideology of redistributivism. In contrast, Anderson suggests that social justice is best left to private sector financing. On the topic of self-determination, Anderson also espouses privatization of foreign intervention, while Shtromas calls for the supranational institution of the League of Peace. M. Pflum

"Without Justice for All: The New Liberalism and Our Retreat from Racial Equality questions, examines, and explains the way a new orthodoxy of American leaders has contributed to the social stratification and inequality which plagues America today. By looking at the history of our social policies since the New Deal, as well as the status of specific policy arenas, essayists show how political shifts over the past fifty years have moved us away from a more egalitarian politics. Throughout, the book responds critically to the now conventional argument that liberalism must be reconfigured in ways that retreat from immediate identification with the interests of labor, minorities, and the poor. From a look at federal housing policy and the failure of New Deal social programs to an examination of long established public assistance programs and Affirmative Action, Without Justice for All is a timely and important contribution to the dialogue on race in modern America."--Provided by publisher.