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ABSTRACTThis article argues that divergent images of community result not from inadequate knowledge or confusion of purpose, but from the location of discourse and action in the context of specific struggles and dilemmas. It supports the view that 'struggles over resources' are also 'struggles over meaning'. It demonstrates the ways in which contests over the distribution of property are articulated in terms of competing representations of community at a range of levels and sites. It suggests that, through the exercise of 'practical political economy', particular representations of community can be used strategically to strengthen the property claims of potentially disadvantaged groups. In the policy arena, advocates for 'community based resource management' have represented communities as sites of consensus and sustain‐ability. Though idealized, such representations have provided a vocabulary with which to defend the rights of communities vis‐à‐vis states. Poor farmers, development planners, consultants and academics can also use representations of community strategically to achieve positive effects, or at least to mitigate negative ones. Most, but not all, of the illustrations in this article are drawn from Indonesia, with special reference to Central Sulawesi.

In the Declaration of the Committee of Ministers on the role of community media in promoting social cohesion and intercultural dialogue passed on 11 February 2009 by the Council of Europe, stations run by religious institutions were explicitly excluded from the community media definition, as being too dependent on the Church. But the reality seems to be far from this definition. In practice, in many countries the religious radio stations officially belong to—or even dominate—this sector. In 2011 a new period began for community broadcasting in Hungary. While most of the former community media broadcasters could not find resources with which to operate, the community media landscape was dramatically overwhelmed by religious broadcasters both on regional and local levels. The legally-recognised third tier of broadcasting in Poland called 'social broadcasting' is actively and exclusively used by religious radio—seven stations broadcast locally and one is a powerful nationwide radio station called Radio Maryja. The authors gathered information and points of views from radio experts, organizations and activists living and working in different EU and non-EU states about the place of religious broadcasting in the community media sector. Two case-studies (Hungary and Poland) may be of interest for countries considering the introduction or reorganisation of regulations regarding community broadcasting.

There is long held belief by many jurists and academics in the United States that religious liberty cannot be fully protected without a vigorous application of the Establishment Clause. To non-Americans, especially from countries whose Constitution does not expressly contain a similar non-establishment clause, this idea that religious freedom cannot be fully protected without express non-establishment principles in either a written constitution or the jurisprudence interpreting it might seem to be at best foreign and at worst condescending. The purpose of this work is to determine how a country without an express equivalent of the Establishment Clause in its constitution protects those religious liberty interests that are most associated by Americans with non-establishment principles. Germany provides an example opportunity for such a comparison as its constitution arguably has no equivalent to the Establishment Clause, and the vast majority of its jurists and academics have rejected the idea of strict separation between church and state. The comparison here will be conducted in three stages. The first stage seeks to explain that while the history of institutional church/state relations in the United States and Germany is without a doubt different, the same cannot necessarily be said for the historical foundations of the individual religious liberty doctrines that have developed in both countries. The second stage will provide an overview of these doctrines and show that despite some similarities in the role religion has historically played in both societies, the doctrines of these two countries have indeed developed in a manner that stresses different aspects of religious liberty. In this stage, it will also be shown that many of the purposes served by the Establishment Clause are also interests that German courts take into consideration when applying German individual religious liberty doctrine. In the final stage, it will be shown that courts in both jurisdictions use non-establishment principles as a means of placing limits on actions taken by the government regarding religion, but these limits operate within two entirely different individual religious liberty schemes, and as such, the impact of these non-establishment principles varies. In this stage it will also be shown that while there is some transatlantic convergence taking place in specific areas of the individual religious liberty doctrines, these convergences will likely never be absolute because of the different religious doctrines into which courts in each country have incorporated non-establishment principles.

Despite the elusiveness of a `solution' to the Northern Ireland problem, either politically or militarily, many public policy issues (education, housing, employment) have been re-examined to address the underlying causes of divisiveness between the two communities. This article looks at the contributions of one such policy initiative, a `bottom-up' community-based approach to peace under the auspices of local authorities. Qualitative evidence from those charged with implementing a community relations programme is analysed and an initial assessment of its impact offered.

Kurze Darstellung von Gründung, Zielen, Institutionen, Problemen und Zukunftsaussichten der ECOWAS

Intro -- Contents -- Introduction: Lilliputians in Gulliver's World? -- Part I: Defining Contributions to the Literature -- 1. The Power of Small States: Diplomacy in World War II -- 2. Lilliputians' Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics -- 3. The Inequality of States: A Study of the Small Power in International Relations -- 4. Micro-states: The Principality of Liechtenstein -- Part II: Refining the Small State Debate -- 5. Weak States in the International System -- 6. Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe -- 7. The Role of Small States in the European Union -- Part III: Small State Capacity in International Relations -- 8. Learning, Realism, and Alliances: The Weight of the Shadow of the Past -- 9. Norm Entrepreneurs: Scandinavia's Role in World Politics -- Conclusion: Learning from Lilliput -- Annotated Bibliography -- Contributors -- Index.

Preface: Commenting in and from the Margins -- 1. The Opening -- 2. Feeling Like a Community -- 3. A Prayer for Every Body -- 4. Queer Muslim Talk -- 5. No Longer Just Muslim -- 6. Skin in the Game -- Coda: This is the Islam of the Future: The Garden We Go Towards -- Notes -- Index -- About the Author.