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This paper takes up the familiar question of how one can explain support for European integration. One line of explanation builds on trade theory to theorize a calculus of economic costs and benefits. A second explanation draws on cognitive and social psychology to assess how individuals use political cues - grounded in ideology or elite communication - as a guide to complex issues. A third line draws on the psychology of group membership to consider how group identities, above all, national identities, bear on support for European integration. We use multi-level analysis to evaluate these explanations, and we conclude that perceptions of national identity are by far most powerful in structuring views on European integration. We find that the particular perception of national identity matters, as well as how identity is mobilized in national contexts. Thus, while strong national identity is consistent with support for European integration, exclusive national identity is a powerful brake on support. The effect of exclusive national identity varies across countries. It is strongest in countries where referenda on European integration have taken place. Referenda exacerbate conflicts within and among elites and empower single-issue anti-European protest movements, and this mobilizes exclusive national identity in an anti-European direction. ; Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit der bekannten Frage, wie sich die Unterstützung für die europäische Integration erklären lässt. Ein Erklärungsstrang stützt sich auf die Handelstheorie und zieht theoretische Schlüsse aus einer wirtschaftlichen Kosten-Nutzen- Analyse. Ein anderer Erklärungsansatz basiert auf der kognitiven Psychologie und der Sozialpsychologie und untersucht, wie sich Individuen in komplexen Themenfeldern an politischen Voreinstellungen orientieren, die sie aus Weltanschauungen oder Elitendiskursen gewinnen. Ein dritter Ansatz geht von der Gruppenpsychologie aus und fragt danach, wie sich Gruppenidentitäten, vor allem nationale Identitäten, auf die Unterstützung für die europäische Integration auswirken. Wir evaluieren diese Erklärungsansätze mit Hilfe der Mehrebenenanalyse und kommen zu dem Ergebnis, dass unterschiedliche Vorstellungen von nationaler Identität mit Abstand die stärkste Auswirkung auf Einstellungen zur europäischen Integration haben. Die individuelle Auffassung von nationaler Identität spielt dabei genau so eine Rolle wie die Bedeutung, die nationaler Identität im nationalen Kontext beigemessen wird. Während eine starke nationale Identität mit der Unterstützung der Europäischen Union einher geht, wirkt sich eine ausschließlich nationale Identität stark bremsend auf die Unterstützung aus. Der Einfluss ausschließlich nationaler Identität variiert von Land zu Land. Am stärksten ist er in den Ländern ausgeprägt, in denen Referenden zur europäischen Integration stattgefunden haben. Referenden verschärfen Konflikte innerhalb der und zwischen den Eliten und stärken monothematische, antieuropäische Protestbewegungen. Das wiederum mobilisiert ausschließlich nationale Identitätsgefühle, die sich gegen die europäische Integration richten.

The Unions have traditionally formed the bridge between the (mean - average) worker & his socialism, though the closeness of this association varies greatly between unions. The area of common philosophy that exists between the unions & the pol'al Left has its drawbacks as well as its advantages. The unions have always had an important voice in the higher councils of the Labour Party though this relationship has not always been a particularly easy one & the rather detached attitude of the union leaders towards active politics has been a constant irritant to the activists on the Left. The most criticized aspect of the trade union-Labour Party connection is the block vote, but it is this which, as things stand, ensures the necessary continuity of party policy. Another criticism Ply made is that the trade unions do not sponsor good men as parliamentary candidates, but the most weighty criticism of the trade union link with the Labour Party is that it is closer than the industrial or pol'al facts of today demand. IPSA.

The paper considers child poverty in rich English-speaking countries - the US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the UK, and Ireland. Do all these countries really stand out from other OECD countries for their levels of child poverty, as is sometimes assumed? And what policies have they adopted to address the problem? 'Poverty' is interpreted broadly and hence the available cross-national evidence on educational disadvantage and teenage births is considered alongside that on low household income. Likewise, discussion of policy initiatives ranges across a number of areas of government activity.

Transferring the legitimacy or illegitimacy debate away from national discourse to the supranational agenda of the European Union (EU) requires a theoretical re‐invention of legitimacy so that it meets the normative standards of the ever‐enlarging European polity. After providing a taxonomy of legitimacy, this article reviews scholarly attempts to devise conceptual tools that smooth its transition from the familiar state level to the uncharted supranational level. Inter‐governmentalism, federalism and multilevel governance are the theoretical postulates revisited. Evading the temptation to apply state‐loaded legitimation criteria to a "polity in formation", this study opts for a multilevel model. The latter is helpful in framing the multilayered legitimacy dilemmas stemming from the expansion of the EU into new territorial units, further functional tasks and additional loci of authority.

The creation of the European Ombudsman (EO) in the Treaty on the European Union (EU) was largely an initiative of the Spanish and Danish governments. Concerned with the problem of democratic legitimacy of the EU system, the two countries proposed the ombudsman plan from their own national experiences. However, their motivations differed. The Spanish plan was directly linked with its ambition of European citizenship whereas the Danish proposal was concerned with bureaucratic control of the Community institutions; thus, 'two different diseases, the same remedy'. Equipped with the theory of institutional isomorphism (a process of organisational homogenisation), it is argued that for the integrationists, the creation of an ombudsman at the European level is 'moving forward', or an expansive approach to the EU legitimacy problem, whereas for the anti-Europeanists, it is a 'fencing off', or a constrictive EU approach.

A recognition of the duties of solidarity in constitutional provisions necessarily starts from Article 2 of the Constitution, in which solidarity is solemnly affirmed and recognised as a fundamental constitutional legal principle. Solidarity is realised as the source of non-derogable duties, including the tax duty. The construction of the tax relationship is no longer the purely atomistic one of the qualification of the reciprocal positions of the state (tax sovereignty) and the taxpayer (subject of abstention claims), but becomes the construction of the (tax) system in which the burdens arising from the common interest are distributed among all members of the community. Such a systematic dimension of solidarity, which is the one found in the Italian Constitution, is challenged in the context of European integration. And, in any case, as many have observed, the EU lacks a solidaristic set-up that characterises it in terms even comparable to those of the Italian constitutional system and in any case such as to authorise a systematic construction of European solidarity. The criticism of the current set-up must be followed by a proposal, which could be centred on a truly European tax.

This article employs a unique data set — covering 25 popular votes on foreign, European and immigration/asylum policy held between 1992 and 2006 in Switzerland — in order to examine the conditional impact of context upon utilitarian, cultural, political and cognitive determinants of individual attitudes toward international openness. Our results reveal clear patterns of cross-level interactions between individual determinants and the project-related context of the vote. Thus, although party cues and political competence have a strong impact on individuals' support for international openness, this impact is substantially mediated by the type of coalition that is operating within the party elite. Similarly, subjective utilitarian and cultural considerations influence the voters' decision in interaction with the content of the proposal submitted to the voters as well as with the framing of the voting campaign.

The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union's traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region's geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.

La monografía trata de: el SME y la Unión Europea; Informe Delors, Maastricht y calendario de Madrid; el Euro y el Banco Central Europeo; Convergencia y Estabilidad; La hora de la verdad, los socios fundadores; Transición a la moneda común, previsiones e incógnitas; Impactos de la UM en el sector financiero y las empresas; costes de la UM, cambio exterior y presupuestos; conclusiones UM y futuro de Europa ; Monetary integration and European Union; Delors, Maastricht, Euro, European Central Bank. Transition to a European Currency and the economic impact, in Spain

In the past few years, European bi-national couples had been on rise motivated by EU´s mobility policies among its citizens. The aim of this paper is to expand upon a previous analysis of bi-national couples in Spain and Italy (Gaspar, 2011) to another three EU countries — France, Great Britain and Germany. The results revealed the presence of a threefold typology of bi-national couples, partially endorsing some of the patterns found beforehand. In the light of this evidence, the remainder of the article moves towards an understanding of how this typology has to be contextualized within broader specialized migration flows to these countries. ; Ao longo dos últimos anos, os casais binacionais europeus aumentaram como consequência das políticas de mobilidade promovidas pela União Europeia. O objetivo deste artigo é desenvolver uma análise anteriormente efetuada a casais binacionais em Espanha e Itália (Gaspar, 2011) a outros três países da UE — França, Grã-Bretanha e Alemanha. Os resultados obtidos revelam a presença de uma tipologia tripartida de casais binacionais, apenas corroborando parcialmente os padrões encontrados previamente. À luz destes dados, o artigo explora como esta tipologia deverá ser contextualizada dentro de fluxos migratórios mais amplos em cada um destes países. ; Au long des dernières années, les couples binationaux européens ont augmenté en conséquence des politiques de mobilité mises en œuvre par l'Union européenne. Cet article a pour objectif d'élargir l'étude menée précédemment sur les couples binationaux en Espagne et en Italie (Gaspar, 2011) à trois autres pays de l'UE — France, Grande-Bretagne et Allemagne. Les résultats obtenus révèlent la présence d'une typologie tripartite de couples binationaux, ne corroborant que partiellement les standards relevés précédemment. À la lumière de ces données, l'article cherche à savoir comment cette typologie devra être resituée dans le contexte de flux migratoires plus amples dans chacun de ces pays. ; A lo largo de los últimos años, las parejas binacionales europeas aumentaron como consecuencia de las políticas de movilidad promovidas por la Unión Europea. El objetivo de este artículo es desarrollar un análisis que anteriormente fue realizado a parejas binacionales en España e Italia (Gaspar, 2011) a otros tres países de la UE – Francia, Gran-Bretaña y Alemania. Los resultados obtenidos revelan la presencia de una tipología tripartita de parejas binacionales, apenas corroborando parcialmente los patrones encontrados previamente. A la luz de estos datos, el artículo explora como esta tipología deberá ser contextualizada dentro de flujos migratorios más amplios en cada uno de estos países.

With Romania's accession to the European Union, the practice of the legal profession has known a new dimension. Thus, since 1 January, 2007, Romanian lawyers can practice their profession, occasionally or permanently, in any of the European Union member states, as well as in states that are signatories to the Agreement on the European Economic Area. However, there is an increasing need for uniform and high-level training of lawyers in the European Union, in the context of developing the European integration process. This is mainly due to the very nature of the legal profession, which requires a very high level of competence in relation to the increasing complexity of social and economic relationships, as well as guaranteeing the protection of fundamental citizen rights. The rigorous and in-depth knowledge of national and European law norms, along with ethical correctness in the legal profession, are essential conditions for Bar Associations across Europe in the full implementation of fundamental rights, as recognized in the CCBE Charter regarding the legal profession.