The 'Disallowed' Political Participation of Manila's Urban Poor
In: Democratization, Band 14, Heft 5, S. 853-872
ISSN: 1743-890X
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In: Democratization, Band 14, Heft 5, S. 853-872
ISSN: 1743-890X
In: Political behavior, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 357-373
ISSN: 1573-6687
One of the most consistently documented relationships in the field of political behavior is the close association between educational attainment and political participation. Although most research assumes that this association arises because education causes participation, it could also arise because education proxies for the factors that lead to political engagement: the kinds of people who participate in politics may be the kinds of people who tend to stay in school. To test for a causal effect of education, we exploit the rise in education levels among males induced by the Vietnam draft. We find little reliable evidence that education induced by the draft significantly increases participation rates. Adapted from the source document.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 540, S. 63-76
ISSN: 0002-7162
A study of the role of urban communities in the development of citizenship & civil society in Spain before & after institution of a democratic regime. Focus is on: community-based solidarity for the development of urban social movements before the 1979 local democratic elections & the resultant rise of voluntary associations; the formal organizations based on consensus politics, eg, political parties & trade unions, that were formed regionally & nationally during the transitional period to democracy; & the civic associations enabling cultural, educational, & leisure activities that have developed during the last decade. Although local governments remain poorly financed, local politics & identities continue to be a significant part of citizen life; however, community action has weakened in the poorest neighborhoods & more recently in developed neighborhoods. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 70, Heft 3, S. 612-631
ISSN: 1468-2508
Political happening is analyzed as a protest form of political participation. The happening is the direction of the promotional art (actionism); this is a certain form of acts, actions, works in which artists are trying to attract viewers to the play. It is shown that peculiarity of political happening is not just sight, but outside spontaneous action (provoked, improvised, unpredictable and similar), participants of which are not only actors, but also completely random people.
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In: Political participation in America
An exploration of the political history, growth, and impact of one of the most powerful religious groups in America. Conservative Christians in America - a group so influential that many believe the fortunes of the Republican and Democratic parties rest on their political views
In: British journal of political science, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 273-290
ISSN: 0007-1234
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 425-430
ISSN: 0033-362X
The nature of the association between 5 aspects of individual pol'al behavior in a non-partisan local election & the independent variables of party identification, strength of party identification, SC, community commitment, & candidate orientation are examined. The 5 facets of individual pol'al behavior studied are perception of city problems, perception of issues in the campaign, interest in the campaign, voting turnout, & direction of the vote. Data used in the analysis was collected subsequent to a city election in a suburb of Washington, DC through personal interviews with a random sample of eligible voters. Direction of the vote was found to be related to candidate acquaintance, party identification, & SC. Voting turnout was associated with the number of campaign contacts received & the perception of issues in the campaign. Perception of city problems was related to degree of community commitment, SC & party identification, with Republicans more frequently perceiving problems. Degree of campaign interest was related to party identification. Diff's in findings between this & other studies may be a function of diff's in the pol'al, econ, & soc environments. AA.
In: Journal of aggression, conflict and peace research, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 11-23
ISSN: 2042-8715
Purpose
Ember et al. (1992) addressed whether the "democracies rarely fight each other" hypothesis held true in the anthropological record of societies of various sizes and scales around the world. They indeed found that more participatory polities had less internal warfare – or warfare between one society's territorial units (e.g. bands, villages, districts). The purpose of this paper is to examine when political participation would have similar effects in eastern Africa, and whether more participatory polities commit fewer atrocities against each other.
Design/methodology/approach
A cross-cultural sample of 46 societies from eastern Africa was used to retest the original Ember et al. (1992) multiple regression model and revised post-hoc models. The team read ethnographies to code for levels of political participation at the local and multilocal levels. Other variables came from previous research including warfare and atrocity variables (Ember et al., 2013).
Findings
The Ember et al. (1992) model did not replicate in eastern Africa, but analysis with additional variables (degree of formal leadership, presence of state-level organization, and threat of natural disasters that destroy food supplies) suggested that greater local political participation does predict less internal warfare. Also, more participatory polities were less likely to commit atrocities in the course of internal warfare.
Originality/value
This study demonstrates regional comparisons are important because they help us evaluate the generalizability of worldwide findings. Additionally, adding atrocities to the study of democracy and warfare is new and suggests reduced atrocities as an additional benefit of political participation.
In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of political activism through an irruption of citizen movements – 5M or Occupy–, the birth of new political platforms –5 Stelle, Zyrisa, Podemos– and the rise of new direct action groups, such as Anonymous, Stop-Evictions Movements, cooperatives, to name just a few. In some countries this activism has not just placed substantial pressure on traditional actors of representative democracy and governments, but has also opened up opportunities for structural changes in the policymaking context and procedures (García Marzá, 2012).
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In: Orient: deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Orients = German journal for politics, economics and culture of the Middle East, Band 36, S. 45-60
ISSN: 0030-5227
Argues that the Saudi system does not allow for political participation and that as an alternative King Fahd established the Consultative Council whose members he appoints; prospects in light of increasing public demand for a voice in the decision-making process.
The risk society has profoundly changed our way of life. Among the social phenomena most affected by its effects is undoubtedly political participation and the degree of trust in institutions. This work aims, through the construction of two different indices, to answer the question "How does the risk society influence conventional participation and trust in institutions?". The Indagine Multiscopo sulle famiglie and the Benessere Equo Sostenibile surveys provide a complete set of indicators to assess specific aspects of Italian daily life and well-being. This work uses a series of data from these surveys to analyze political participation and trust in institutions in Italy in 2019 at regional level using two composite indices obtained through the application of the MPI method. The result of this paper shows no particular effects of the risk society on conventional forms of political participation. Instead, the effects of the risk society are fully visible on levels of trust in institutions.
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The public library movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries fostered a rapid increase in the number and quality of public libraries in cities and towns across the United States. One important argument for libraries was that they would enhance American democracy by promoting virtues of citizenship and enabling access to information. This paper examines how voter turnout was affected, in the short-term, by the establishment of public libraries, using a county-by-election year panel. Our empirical strategy exploits the founding dates of public libraries as discrete events that should have influenced subsequent voting behavior. Over the wide range of specifications considered, the vast majority of regression results suggest that libraries had no significant short term impact on voter turnout. We discuss potential reasons for this finding, and compare it with recent work finding a positive impact of newspapers on political participation. JEL classifications: H40, H75, N31, N32, N41, N42
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Womens political participation plays an important role in establishing the status of women in any particular country. Women are revered as an epitome of sacrifice and power in India. But when it comes to entrusting power into their hands. There is a hesitation from the male counterparts, as it poses a serious concern of overpowering their strengths and abilities. Women has excelled in all fields but her presence in politics makes the majority apprehensive. The reasons for this outlook can be contributed to thedominance of women in the area which is by and large become the Man?s territory. The focus of this paper is women in urban local level governance. The author in this paper wishes to concentrate on the urban local bodies and the impact of the 33% reservation on the participation of the women in the local level politics. She also wishes to delineate the barriers of political participation. However, women remain seriously underrepresented in decision-making positions. The central objective of this study is to examine challenges and opportunities of women political participation in urban local bodies.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/10063/6122
Chinese political participation is low by comparison with other migrant and ethnic groups despite high socioeconomic status. This suggests that other barriers to participation are present among this group. This study examines how pre- and post-migration political socialisation affect the electoral participation of Chinese in New Zealand. Fifteen one-on-one, in-depth interviews allowed me to consider the relationship between both length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation among this sample. In this case, analysis of each participant's migration and political participation experiences revealed no correlation between either length of residence and socialisation in a democratic versus non-democratic regime and electoral participation, although it highlighted the significance of demographic factors such as age and life-cycle, and social capital and political interest for electoral participation. Few studies have focused on Chinese migrant political participation specifically in New Zealand and even fewer on the subject of Chinese electoral participation. However, understanding what drives and inhibits electoral participation among this group is both important for the development of New Zealand's Asia-Pacific identity and ultimately as an indicator of the health of democracy in New Zealand.
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