Suchergebnisse

Представлен анализ текстовой реализации речевой агрессии посредством стратегии дискредитации и стратегии манипулирования в политическом дискурсе на материале англоязычных средств массовой информации: газет «The Guardian», «USA Today», «The New York Times», «The Washington Post», «The Washington Times». Актуальность исследования изучение проблемы речевого воздействия и использования языка как одного из наиболее сильных средств влияния через медиатексты практически во всех сферах современного общества: в спорте, науке, политике, образовании, бизнесе, военной сфере и др. В ходе реализации поставленной цели с помощью методов дискурсивного и когнитивного анализа выявляются стратегии дискредитации и манипуляции, направленные на передачу информации о негативной оценке оппонента в средствах массовой информации, которые, в свою очередь, реализуются на речевом и текстовом уровне через коммуникативные ходы и тактики. Стратегия дискредитации реализуется в тактиках обвинения, оскорбления и насмешки. Манипулятивная же стратегия проявляется в тактиках переакцентуации, подмены целей, надевания маски, трансформации ситуации, игры мотивом. Выявленные в ходе анализа языковые средства, вербализирующие указанные стратегии и тактики, создают образ России в сознании читателя, это образ авторитарной страны-агрессора, создающего потенциальную угрозу в мире. Анализ выявленных тактик стратегии дискредитации показывает, что наиболее распространенной является тактика обвинения, которая дает негативную оценку объекта, но не пытается унизить или задеть чувства дискредитируемого. Анализируется заголовок наиболее яркой статьи Джеда Баббина «The Davy Crockett solution to Putin» из американской газеты «The Washington Times», выявляется, что в реализации речевой агрессии немаловажную роль играет оценочный фон, создаваемый заголовком политической статьи. ; The aim of the article is to analyse the implementing the verbal aggression by means of the strategies of discredit and manipulation in a political discourse in the English language mass-media newspapers The Guardian, USA Today, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Washington Times. The relevance of this study is determined by the importance of the problem of speech influence and the use of the language as one of the most powerful means of influence through the media in all spheres of modern society in sports, science, politics, education, business, the military and others. Using methods of discourse and cognitive analysis the authors of the article identify communication tactics and ways that help to implement the discredit and manipulation strategies conveying negative assessment of an opponent to mass-media audience within the scope denoted by the article. The discredit strategy is implemented in the tactics of prosecution, insults and ridicule. The manipulative strategy manifests itself in the tactics of re-accentuation, purpose substitution, masking, situation transforming, and the game in motif. The analyzed language means that verbalization of the identified strategies and tactics create a certain image of Russia in the readers' mind. This image is an image of authoritarian aggressive country, creating a potential threat to the world. On the basis of the tactics study of discredit strategy one can conclude that the most common tactics is that of accusation. It gives a negative assessment of the discredited object without humiliating or hurting a subject's feelings. The article also analyzes the headline of the most striking article by Jed Babbin "The Davy Crockett solution to Putin" in American newspaper The Washington Times. It is revealed that in the process of implementation of verbal aggression the estimated background, created by a the headline of a political article, plays a significant role.

Идентифицированы реально реализуемые органами власти РФ программы реформ 90х: «Переход к рынку», «Приватизация земли и реорганизация сельскохозяйственных предприятий в России», Нижегородская модель, НМ США, которые привели к кризису, депрессии, разрухе. Выполнен их анализ и в 1994 г. комиссионная оценка пилотного проекта их реализации экспертами МВФ в Нижегородской области, как плановоразрушительного. Даны предложения по прекращению исполнения НМ США в России. Разработана в 1995г Национальная «Программа восстановления и развития сельского хозяйства, Ленинградская модель», ЛМ РФ. Пилотный проект исполнения 1го этапа ЛМ РФ – восстановления и развития коллективных крупнотоварных сельхозпредприятий, как альтернатива американской фермеризации реализован объединением «Ленплодоовощ», созданном для восстановления отрасли промышленного овощеводства Ленинградской области. «Ленплодоовощ» уже производит 90% овощей, более половины картофеля и пятую часть молока от областного объема. Обеспечен рост в 4 раза урожайности овощей при сокращении в 3 раза применения минеральных удобрений, снижения издержек в 2 раза и производство предприятиями «Ленплодоовощ» экологически чистых, «органических» продуктов. Наукой и практикой успешно решена задача создания Ленинградской модели конкурентоспособных сельхозпредприятий, устойчиво работающих в условиях ВТО. В условиях санкций США, ЕС по разрушению экономики России и введенного Президентом РФ эмбарго на поставку импортного продовольствия, кластер «Ленплодоовощ» это действительно реальная и лучшая в России точка роста для реализации Национальной стратегии Президента восстановления отечественного конкурентного производства, импортозамещения. Разработаны и реализуются Предложения по формированию унифицированного с ведущими членами ВТО законодательства, рассчитанного не на импортрасширение и ликвидацию отечественных сельхозпредприятий, как сейчас, а на их восстановление и импортозамещение. ; Identified actually implemented by the authorities of the Russian Federation's reform program 90: "The transition to a market economy," "Land privatization and restructuring of agricultural enterprises in Russia», Nizhny Novgorod model, NM United States, which led to the crisis, depression, ruin. Completed analysis and evaluation commission in 1994 a pilot project of the implementation of the IMF experts, in the Nizhny Novgorod region is scheduled devastating. Proposals to end the US NM performance in Russia. Developed in 1995, the National "Program of recovery and development of agriculture, Leningrad model", the LMA of the Russian Federation. Pilot project execution of the 1st phase of the RF LM reconstruction and development of largescale collective farms as an alternative to the American fermerizatsii implemented by association "Lenplodoovosch", created to restore the industrial industry Horticulture Leningrad region. "Lenplodoovosch" already produces 90% of vegetables, potatoes and more than half of the fifth part of the milk of the regional volume. Ensure the growth of 4 times the yield of vegetables while reducing 3 times of fertilizer application, reducing costs by 2 times and production companies "Lenplodoovosch" environmentally friendly, "organic" products. Science and practice successfully solved the problem of creating a competitive agricultural model Leningrad, working steadily in the WTO. In terms of US sanctions, the European Union on the destruction of the Russian economy and Russian President introduced an embargo on the import of food cluster "Lenplodoovosch" it is really real and the best in the Russian growth point for the implementation of the National Strategy of the President of the restoration of competitive domestic production, import substitution. The proposals have been developed and implemented for the formation of a unified with the leading members of the WTO legislation is not intended to importrasshirenie and elimination of domestic agricultural enterprises, both now and in their restoration and import substitution.

In this interview (part 1 of a two part interview), Steve Bull describes growing up in the 1950s in Kennebunk and Cape Porpoise and becoming conscious at a young age of being "different." At age 6 or 7, he was discovered having sex with a playmate. When, at age 13, his family moved to New Jersey, Steve instead secured a scholarship to instead attend an expensive boarding school in Massachusetts where he found himself surrounded by children from wealthy families and became aware of social justice, anti-war, and civil rights activism. After attending Johns Hopkins University for two years he returned to Maine to complete his BA at the University of Maine at Orono. At UMO, he met out-lesbian Karen Bye on campus and helped found one of the first gay rights organizations in the state, the Wilde-Stein Club at UMO. Because of his leadership in the group, he frequently appeared in hostile news stories and formally came out to his parents. His parents subsequently became very active in the first chapter of Parents of Gays (later to become PFLAG). Much of the interview focuses on extraordinary early queer activism at UMaine through the Wilde-Stein Club. One of the first events planned by the group was a controversial dance on campus that made the group the focus of attention by the Christian Civic League. Wilde-Stein also organized the first state-wide gay conference, a Gay Symposium, which was initially opposed by University administration. Maine thus became one of the early battleground states around gay rights in 1974-75. Activists in the Wilde-Stein Club were also successful in removing a question from the university's admission application that asked "Have you ever had homosexual tendencies." Steve Bull describes working with Stan Fortuna, Steven Leo, and Mariah/Susan Breeding on feminist and queer organizing in Southern Maine, and with Gerry Talbot (the first African American elected to state government in Maine) to secure a gay rights plank in the Democratic Party platform (only the 2nd place in the country to do so). Working with Talbot, these activists also successfully removed all laws related to consensual sexual acts, including sodomy, from the Maine criminal code. Steve Bull discusses moving to Los Angeles after college to attend the People's College of Law and becoming a Marxist active in the Lavender and Red Union and the Spartacus League. Toward the end of the interview, he talks about the HIV/AIDS epidemic, including the trauma of mass death among those in his social and political world, and his own experience living with HIV for 35 years. The Principle Investigator for this project is Dr. Wendy Chapkis, Professor of Sociology and Women & Gender Studies at the University of Southern Maine. Professor Chapkis is also the Faculty Scholar for the Sampson Center's LGBTQ+ Collection (from 2016 through 2018). The LGBTQ Maine Oral History Project integrates USM students into the process of community-based research; after being trained each fall, students serve as interviewers and transcribers of the oral histories. Citation Please cite as: Querying the Past: LGBTQ Maine Oral History Project Collection, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer+ Collection, Jean Byers Sampson Center for Diversity in Maine, University of Southern Maine Libraries. For more information about the Querying the Past: Maine LGBTQ Oral History Project, please contact Dr. Wendy Chapkis. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/querying_ohproject/1004/thumbnail.jpg

В статье рассматривается место анахронизмов в переосмыслении подходов к изучению средневековой истории на рубеже XX-XXI вв. В качестве примера рассматриваются американские исследования, определяемые как «новый медиевализм», и в особенности один аспект: размышления над понятием инаковости, которое можно понимать не только как alterity, но и как нечто, что определяется как queer и особенно как preposterous. В этом последнем понятии соединяются значения временного (отсутствия) порядка и противоестественности, нарушения иерархий, абсурдности, монструозности, глупости, безумия. Таким образом, вопрос об анахронизме оказывается связан с целым рядом иных тем, важных для исторических и теоретических исследований рубежа XX-XXI вв. В статье новомедиевалистское понимание инаковости помещается в контекст более ранних дискуссий о своеобразии средневековья и о допустимости анахронизмов в историописании от стремления к полному искоренению анахронизмов в профессиональной историографии XIX-начала XX вв. до их частичной реабилитации в новой культурной истории начиная с 1970-х годов, особенно под влиянием работ Ж. Ле Гоффа. На взгляд автора, при всей важности влияния третьего поколения школы «Анналов», она остается в рамках старых различий между реальностью и репрезентацией, в то время как новые ме-диевалисты переносят внимание на само различие, которое организует это противопоставление и пытаются его историзировать как применительно к средневековью, так и в связи с этим применительно к современной культуре. Особое внимание уделяется политическим коннотациям историзма и анахронизма, различных режимов историчности. В заключение снова говорится о важности понятия preposterous и его риторической предыстории. ; The article deals with the place of anachronisms in the debates about how medieval history should be studied in the late XX and early XXI cent. As an example were taken works of American historians known as new medievalists, and in particular two aspects discussed there: rethinking the notion of alterity, which is related to the definition of something as queer and especially as preposterous. In this last notion are related in a very particular way the meanings of a temporal (absence of) order, of unnaturalness, of disturbing hierarchies, absurdity, monstruosity, folly, madness. So the question of a wrong temporal order, of anachronism, through this notion is related to a range of other issues, which are of importance for historical and theoretical research at the turn of the XX-XXI cent. In the article the understanding of alterity by the new medievalists is related to a broader context of the earlier discussions about the specific character of the Middle Ages as an epoch and about the possibility of anachronisms in historical writing -from a desire no annihilate the anachronisms completely in the professional historiography of the XIX and early XX century up to their partial legitimation in the new cultural history of the 1970s, especially under the influence of works by J. Le Goff. But, as is here argued, despite all the importance of the influences from the third generation of the «Annales» school, which reproduces the old opposition between reality and representations, new medievalists are doing something different, questioning and historicizing the opposition itself, and doing it not only with the Middle Ages, but also our contemporary historical culture in view. A special attention is given in these researches to the political connotations of historicism and anachronism, to the different regimes of historicity. As a conclusion will be discussed again the notion «preposterous» and the relevance of its rhetorical connotations.

Сложная система взаимодействия государства и религии в Израиле породила целый ряд исследований израильского опыта, который сочетает в себе европейские демократические ценности и ближневосточный подход к сохранению традиций, в том числе религиозных. Неизменность действующего статус-кво религии обеспечивается ортодоксальными и ультраортодоксальными религиозными силами, которые сосуществуют, а иногда входят в конфликт с системой ценностей, формируемых государственной властью для сплочения общества. Рассматриваются особенности формирования «гражданской религии» как одной из форм религиозного влияния в Израиле. И хотя так называемая новая гражданская религия была принята на вооружение ещё социалистической партией во главе с Давидом Бен Гурионом, упор в статье делается на её развитие при консервативных правительствах Менахема Бегина и её положение при премьер-министре от правой партии Ликуд Беньямине Нетаньяху. ; This article is dedicated to a certain phenomenon of Israel political life civil religion. Too much complicated system of relations between state and religion in this country encouraged lots of researchers, who tried to understand its unique nature combining European democratic values and Middle East attitude to traditions, religious as well. Present status-quo is backed by Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox, it coexists but sometimes conflicts with the value system, introduced by government. Israeli researcher Daniel J. Elazar in his article "Religious Parties and Politics in the Begin Era" marked out five forms of the religious influences of religion in Israel: system of Orthodox Judaism and its institutions; "popular religion"; civil religion; activity of ultra-Orthodox sector and non-Orthodox sector. This article deals with the peculiarities of "civil religion" issue as one of the instruments of religious influence in Israel. American researcher Robert Bella wrote that civil religion includes statements, symbols, rituals and institutions which legitimate and build up a society to achieve common political goals. And our research of Israeli case is based on that. The civil religion in Israel was influenced by left-wing socialist camp, which was represented by the first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion. It was based on "statism". In time it became necessary to revise the basic principles, thus a "new civil religion" came to life. Despite of the fact that the new approach was also proposed by Ben-Gurion, the main progress of this new concept was gained when conservative right-wing of the Israeli political spectrum came to power under the government of the Likud Party leader Menachem Begin. There are three main targets of the civil religion in Israel: integration, legitimation and mobilization. The greatest development of the "new civil religion" had been reached after the 1967 war, when instead the concept of "Jewish state" almost replaced the concept of "State of Israel". However the situation changed dramatically with the arrival of one million citizens from former Soviet Union. New Israelis not only forced the country''s leadership to review the existing system of absorption, but also the question of determining the correlation between the religious Jews and status quo with the democratic principles of the state once again became burning. The actuality of the topic is proved by the whole situation in Israel exposing the problems that require the revision of many aspects of the status quo in general, and particularly the approach to the formation of civil religion. To somehow resolve the problem the law of civil status was changed and also an attempt was made to put on the agenda the Basic Law: "Jewish State".

Fil: Bedetti, Adriana Nora. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas; Argentina. ; El discurso neo-desarrollista poscrisis de 2001 basado en un activo rol estatal en la búsqueda del desarrollo posicionó a la innovación y el conocimiento como herramientas claves para desenvolvimientos productivos más competitivos y diversificados.Pero esta recuperación pública ocurre en un contexto mundial que opera a través de redes económicas globales propiciadas por la flexibilización y descentralización de la producción, las tecnologías de información y la globalización. Mediante redes políticas globales penetraron selectivamente los espacios nacionales impactando en la configuración organizacional y funcional estatal. Su funcionamiento en Latinoamérica ha tenido un momento de desmantelamiento y reducción pública y otro, que reposiciona al Estado nacional con nuevas modalidades y funciones como canalizador de prácticas y programas trasnacionales de política. La tensión entre los intentos de los Estados latinoamericanos por reparar los efectos neoliberales y la acción de las redes, plantea la elección entre dos alternativas de construcción estatal, no inocuas para los resultados del desarrollo: - Una, reproductora de las instancias existentes, ensambladora y canalizadora de iniciativas externas. - Otra, fundada en la construcción cualificada de estructuras nacionalmente articuladas, coherentes, disciplinadoras, autónomas financiera y decisionalmente, revirtiendo su rol ensamblador/reproductor de políticas. Esta reimplicación pública impactó en la ciencia y la tecnología destacando la necesidad de recobrar el protagonismo en su promoción, siendo su expresión sobresaliente el Ministerio de Ciencia Tecnología e Innovación Productiva. Examinando las capacidades internas y relacionales de las Secretarías de Planeamiento y Política y de Articulación Científico-Tecnológica, este trabajo pretende determinar en cuál de las dos alternativas planteadas se inscriben estas estructuras. ; The post-crisis neo-developmentalist 2001 discourse based on an active state role in the pursuit of development positioned the innovation and knowledge as key tools for more competitive and diversified productive developments. But this public recovery occurs in a global context that operates through global financial networks fostered by the flexibility and decentralization of production, information technology and globalization. By global political networks they selectively penetrated national state spaces impacting on organizational and functional state configuration. Their performance in Latin America has had a moment of dismantling and public reduction and another, that repositions the national state with new forms and functions as a channel for transnational practices and policy programs. The tension between the attempts of Latin American states to repair the neoliberal effects and action networks poses a choice between two alternatives of state-building, which are not innocuous for development results: - First, a reproductive construction of existing instances, assembling and channeling of external initiatives. - Second, a qualified construction of structures nationally articulated, coherent, disciplining, decisional and financially autonomous, reversing its role of policies assembler/reproductive. This public re-implication impacted on science and technology, stressing the need to regain prominence in its promotion, its outstanding expression being the Ministry of Science Technology and Productive Innovation. Examining internal and relational skills of the Secretary of Planning and Policy and Secretary of Scientific-Technological Articulation, this study aims to determine which of the two alternatives proposed these structures are building.

El despido injustificado como una de las formas de extinción de la relación laboral representa un tema escasamente abordado en Nicaragua y en muchas ocasiones se ha limitado su explicación al parafraseó de las disposiciones del Código del Trabajo, resultando necesario un análisis desde los diversos criterios doctrinarios que permitan la comprensión de la figura jurídica denominada despido, su naturaleza, características y su causalidad, y posteriormente proceder al estudio de una de sus expresiones como resulta ser el despido injustificado. Al efectuar una revisión concreta del despido injustificado en Nicaragua, resultaba inevitable el estudio comparativo entre las disposiciones constitucionales y laborales en los países de la región centroamericana y las regulaciones nicaragüenses, lo que ha permito plasmar las generalidades sobre el tratamiento jurídico que le brinda a la figura del despido los países de Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras y Costa Rica. El abordaje del despido injustificado en nuestro país, su regulación en la evolución normativa, la improcedencia del término rescisión de la relación laboral cuando se trata de un despido injustificado, el abordaje jurisprudencial del despido injustificado y la indemnización ante la configuración de estas forma de terminación de la relación laboral, constituyen el tema central del presente trabajo lográndose incluir en su contenido teórico, práctico, legal y jurisprudencial que permiten un estudio concreto del despido injustificado. Concluye el análisis a través de las conclusiones que nos presentan al despico como una figura que se presenta todos los días en relaciones laborales, lo que nos obliga a pensar en la efectividad jurídica y práctica de las normas que hasta hoy lo regulan en Nicaragua.- - Abstract: The unjustified dismissal as one of the forms of termination of the employment relationship represents a topic scarcely addressed in Nicaragua and on many occasions it has limited its explanation to the paraphrased in the provisions of the Labor Code, resulting need an analysis from the various doctrinal criteria that allow the understanding of the legal figure called dismissal, its nature, characteristics and its causation, and then proceed to the study of one of its expressions as proves to be unjustified dismissal. To carry out a specific revision of unjustified dismissal in Nicaragua, it was inevitable the comparative study between the constitutional provisions and labor in the countries of the Central American region and the Nicaraguan regulations, which has would like to translate the general information on the legal treatment that gives the figure of the dismissal the countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Costa Rica. The approach of the unjustified dismissal in our country, its regulation in policy developments, the inappropriateness of the term termination of the employment relationship when it comes to an unjustified dismissal, the jurisprudential approach of unjustified dismissal and the compensation before the configuration of these form of termination of the labor relationship, constitute the central theme of the present work progressing to include in its theoretical content, practical, legal and jurisprudence that allow a specific study of unjustified dismissal. Concluded the analysis through the conclusions that we presented to the despico as a figure that occurs every day in labor relations, which obliges us to think about the legal effectiveness and practice of the rules that govern it until today in Nicaragua.

The Human Rights Approach is based on the idea that civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights embodied in national as well as international binding agreements, must preside over design, implementation and evaluation of public policies. Recently, this approach has been used, not only as a referential theoretical/normative framework for the incorporation of certain principles and fundamental rights in the design of public policies, but also as a methodological tool to measure how a particular policy adjusts to this model. The present work proposes this model´s applicattion to the conditional cash transfer program PROGRAMA DE RESPALDO DE ESTUDIANTES DE ARGENTINA (PROG.R.ES.AR), making use of fundamental principles that are essential to the model in order to analyze the policy in question. Executive Order 84/2014, which gave rise to the program, as well as those regulations and ministerial provisions that enabled its execution, were the main sources consulted. Methodological design incorporates dimensions and indicators developed by the San Salvador Protocol Task Force (GTPSS in Spanish) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Principles elaborated by academic experts and referents in the subject are also incorporated. These principles are universality, equality, participation and access to information, satisfaction (of the recipients), access to justice, complaint mechanisms, state capacities, which are all cross-examined through the principles of progressivity and reasonability. Having analyzed this public policy through the Human Rights Approach, we observe that the norm complies with certain principles that are inherent to this model, yet some of them are partially fulfilled. Other, though, are clearly overlooked in the original legislation. ; El enfoque de derechos humanos parte de la idea de que los derechos civiles, políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales plasmados en acuerdos vinculantes tanto nacionales como internacionales, deben presidir el diseño, implementación y evaluación de las políticas públicas. Recientemente, este enfoque se ha venido instrumentando no sólo como marco teórico-normativo de referencia para la incorporación de ciertos principios y derechos fundamentales en el diseño de las políticas públicas, sino también como herramienta metodológica para medir cómo una política pública se ajusta al modelo mencionado. El presente trabajo propone aplicar este modelo al PROGRAMA DE RESPALDO DE ESTUDIANTES DE ARGENTINA (PROG.R.ES.AR), utilizando principios fundamentales inherentes a este enfoque para analizar la política en cuestión, tomando como fuente principal el decreto 84/2014 que le dio su génesis, como así también los reglamentos y disposiciones ministeriales que facilitaron su ejecución. El diseño metodológico incorpora dimensiones e indicadores desarrollados por el Grupo de Trabajo del Protocolo de San Salvador (GTPSS) de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA). A su vez, se incorporan principios elaborados por expertos académicos y referentes en la materia. Estos principios son la universalidad, la igualdad, la participación y el acceso a la información, la satisfacción (de los destinatarios), el acceso a la justicia mecanismos de reclamo, las capacidades estatales, todos estos examinados transversalmente a partir de los principios de progresividad y razonabilidad.Analizando esta política pública a partir del enfoque de derechos, vemos que la norma cumple con ciertos principios inherentes a este modelo, pero que a algunos los respeta parcialmente. Otros, son omitidos en la norma original.

Within the historical and constitutional scenario of Colombia, the Constitution of the Republic of Tunja in 1811, is a central and fundamental axel for the consolidation of the neogranadinians ideas which was created through the proclamation of the Congress of the United provinces, whose main focus is the role of the emancipation, independence and dedication of individual rights, economic development, political and social public powers and the and outlining of ideologies collected from the times of the French revolutions, English and American, in order to establish the day nine (09) of December of eighteen eleven (1811), in the province of Tunja, a federalist and capital central scheme of the revolution of independence against the regime of the Viceroyalty and the Spanish Crown, in that time of social order stabilization and a consolidation of Provincial States and a central point of the revolution. ; Dentro del escenario histórico y constitucional de Colombia, la Constitución de la República de Tunja de 1811, es un pacto central y fundamental para la consolidación de las ideas de corte neogranadino que nace a través de la proclamación del Congreso de las Provincias Unidas, cuyo enfoque principal es el papel de la emancipación, independencia y consagración de derechos del individuo, organización económica, política y social de los poderes públicos y esquematización de ideologías recogidas de las épocas de las Revoluciones Francesa, Inglesa y Norteamericana, con el objeto de establecer el día nueve (09) de diciembre de mil ochocientos once (1811), en la provincia de Tunja, un esquema federalista y capital central de la revolución de independencia en contra del régimen del Virreinato y la Corona Española, en la época de estabilización de un orden social y consolidación de Estado Provincial y de punto central de la revolución. ; Dans le scénario historique et constitutionnel de la Colombie, la Constitution de la République de Tunja de 1811, est un pacte central et fondamental la consolidation des idées neogranadinas qui sont nés de la proclamation du Congrès des provinces Unies, dont l'approche principale est le rol de l'émancipation, l'indépendance et la consécration des droits de la personne, l'organisation économique, politique et sociale des pouvoirs publics, et aussi le schématisation des idéologies prélevés dans les temps des révolutions Française, Anglaise et Américaine afin d'établir le jour neuf (09) de décembre de mille huit cent onze (1811), dans la province de Tunja, avec un schéme fédéraliste et capital central de la révolution d'indépendance contre le régime de la Vice-royauté et de la Couronne d'Espagne, au moment de la stabilisation d'un ordre social et de la consolidation de l'État Provincial et comme point central de la révolution. ; Dentro do contexto histórico e constitucional da Colômbia, a Constituição da República de Tunja 1811, é um pacto central e fundamental para consolidar idéias neogranadinas que vem através da proclamação do Congresso das Províncias Unidas, cuja abordagem principal é o papel da emancipação, independência e dedicação dos direitos individuais, organização económica, política social e as autoridades públicas e ideologias recolhidos delineando as idades das Revoluções Francesa, Inglês e norte-americanos, a fim de estabelecer o dia nove (09) dez 1811 (1811), na província de Tunja, um esquema federalista central e capital da revolução de independência Vice-Reino contra o regime e a Coroa espanhola, no momento da estabilização de uma ordem social e consolidação do Estado Provincial e ponto focal da revolução.

At a time of mass migration and growing xenophobia, what can we learn about the reception, incorporation, and alienation of immigrants in American society from listening to the ways they perform jazz, the 'national music' of their new host country? Ethnographies of contemporary migrations emphasize the palpable presence of national borders and social boundaries in the everyday life of immigrants. Ethnomusicological literature on migrant and border musics has focused primarily on the role of music in evoking a sense of home and expressing group identity and solidarity in the face of assimilation. In jazz scholarship, the articulation and crossing of genre boundaries has been tied to jazz as a symbol of national cultural identity, both in the U.S and in jazz scenes around the world. While these works cover important aspects of the relationship between nationalism, immigration and music, the role of jazz in facilitating the crossing of national borders and blurring social boundaries between immigrant and native-born musicians in the U.S. has received relatively little attention to date.This dissertation investigates these interrelated topics by considering the role of immigrant musicians in the New York Jazz scene from the 1910s to the present. It considers the practices that allow musicians to come to New York and sustain themselves as working musicians as they struggle to maintain legal status in the U.S. It examines the ways immigrant musicians express senses of home and national belonging through jazz but also challenge and critique musical and cultural nationalism. It investigates the ways immigrant musicians use jazz improvisation to navigate and cross social boundaries between themselves and native-born musicians, and analyzes musical interactions that defy simple identity and genre categories. Finally, it calls for research on immigrant music that addresses the fractures in and interconnections of national, ethno-racial and genre categories in immigrant musical life in America.Grounded in three years of ethnographic fieldwork as an Israeli jazz musician in New York City and based on conversations with fellow immigrants from around the world and native-born musicians, audience members, venue owners, and immigration specialists this project analyzes sound recordings, live performances, and archival material to understand the role of jazz music in facilitating interaction among immigrant musicians and across immigrant communities.Using contemporary theorizations of political borders and social boundaries suggested by Didier Fassin, Etienne Balibar and Sandro Mezzadra in conjunction with Benjamin Brinner's theory of musical competence, I show that proficiency across several musical genres, particularly jazz and other musical markers of national and ethnic identity are essential to musicians' efforts to maintain legal immigrant status in the U.S. and support themselves and their families as working musicians.Observing the ways immigrant musicians use jazz to cross national borders, social boundaries and musical genres, as well as to critique received notions of tradition and national identity in music, I call for a move beyond the methodological framing of music as delineating an ethnic community and an uncomplicated symbol of identity. I argue for a conception of immigrant music that considers its role as a tool for interaction across immigrant communities and one that acknowledges the economic, social and political factors involved in maintaining "immigrant musics" as reflections of the home country in ethnic communities within the U.S.

La administración presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciada en el 2007, forma parte de la tendencia política post-neoliberal que presentan algunos países de la región. En materia de política pública, este gobierno se planteó como desafío transformar y modernizar la Policía Nacional como parte de un nuevo modelo de seguridad integral. ¿Qué cambios estructurales ha experimentado la cuestión policial en el Ecuador? ¿Qué explica y qué razonamiento político está asociado con estos cambios? La presente investigación analizará el ámbito policial y su proceso de cambios, continuidades y retrocesos en el periodo 2007-2013. Se argumentará que pese a existir avances en la transformación de la policía, estos no se enmarcan bajo una orientación programática de una reforma institucional democrática de la policía. Por el contrario, los cambios han obedecido a lógicas de aprendizaje propias del pragmatismo político en el ejercicio del poder y las racionalidades del gobierno contra el delito. La ausencia de esta agenda programática ha dado paso a un proceso de colonización policial en la compresión y conducción política de la institución policial, lo cual ha generado que las reformas iniciadas reproduzcan estructuras tradicionales y corporativas. ; A administração presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciado em 2007, é parte da tendência política pós-neoliberal exibido por alguns países da região. Em política pública foi criado como um desafio, para transformar e modernizar a Polícia Nacional como parte de um novo modelo de segurança abrangente. Que mudanças estruturais ha experimentado a questão da polícia no Equador? O que explica e o que razão política está associada a essas mudanças? Esta pesquisa deve analisar policiamento e processar mudanças, continuidades e reversões no período de 2007-2013. Será argumentado que, embora haja progresso na transformação da polícia, não caem sob uma orientação programática de uma reforma institucional democrática da polícia. Pelo contrário, as mudanças têm obedecido à própria lógica de pragmatismo político no exercício da lógica do poder e do governo contra o aprendizado crime. A ausência desta agenda programática, deu lugar a um processo de compressão polícia colonização e política da direção da polícia, o que tem gerado as reformas e reproduzir estruturas corporativas tradicionais. ; The administration of President Rafael Correa, which started in 2007 in Ecuador, is part of the post-neoliberal political trend shared by some countries in the Latin American region. In terms of public policy it was conceived as a challenge to transform and modernize the National Police as part of a new model of an integral security system. What structural changes have the police experienced in Ecuador? What political reasoning has been associated with these changes? This article analyzes the changes, continuities and setbacks in the National Police institution from 2007 to 2013. We argue that although there has been progress in the transformation of the police, the key to understand the changes is not within the democratic police reform framework. By contrast, the changes have been part of the typical political pragmatism in the exercise of power and the government rationalities in the fight against crime. The combination of these factors has led to a process of "police-perspective colonization" in understanding and governing the police, which meant that the reforms reproduce traditional corporate structures.

Desde 2005 el proyecto político representado en el presidente Chávez se plantea de forma directa una transición al socialismo, siendo una oportunidad para preguntarse sobre la aplicación o revalidación de este como una verdadera alternativa postcapitalista, es más, preguntarse por su validación como un proyecto socialista. La búsqueda de respuesta a esas inquietudes se desarrollan en tres capítulos y unas conclusiones para el dialogo y el debate. En el primer capítulo ser realiza una mirada introductoria a la historia reciente de América Latina y Venezuela, caracterizando algunos acontecimientos de la historia contemporánea latinoamericana en su relación con las dinámicas del capitalismo, como también, los hechos más relevantes de la historia actual venezolana. En el segundo capítulo se realiza análisis teórico - ideológico sobre el Socialismo del Siglo XXI, haciendo evidente el interés por adentrarse en un dialogo crítico sobre la teoría socialista, su relación con el denominado socialismo del siglo XXI y su conexión con el proyecto bolivariano en Venezuela. Surgiendo de esto algunas preguntas: ¿Qué es el socialismo del siglo XXI?; ¿El socialismo del siglo XXI y el socialismo son lo mismo?; ¿El socialismo del siglo XXI es una concreta alternativa al capitalismo? El tercer capítulo se encamina a estudiar el desarrollo concreto del "socialismo bolivariano del siglo XXI" con la intención de caracterizar y analizar las herramientas utilizadas por el proyecto bolivariano en Venezuela, queriendo con ello encontrar en la realización concreta de la política de dicho proyecto, la respuesta a la pregunta: ¿El proyecto bolivariano en Venezuela es una concreta alternativa al capitalismo? (texto tomado de la fuente) ; Since 2005 the political project represented President Chavez arises directly a transition to socialism, it is an opportunity to consider the application or revalidation of this as a real alternative post-capitalist, indeed, ask for validation as a socialist project. The search for answers to these concerns are divided into three chapters and conclusions for dialogue and debate. In the first chapter being done an introductory look at the recent history of Latin America and Venezuela, characterizing some events of contemporary Latin American history in its relation to the dynamics of capitalism as well, the most important events of the current Venezuelan history. In the second chapter theoretical analysis is performed - ideological about Socialism of the XXI Century, making obvious interest to enter a critical dialogue on socialist theory, its relationship with the so-called socialism of the XXI century and its connection to the Bolivarian project in Venezuela. Arising from this some questions: What is socialism of the XXI century? ; Does the XXI century socialism and socialism are the same? ; Does the XXI century socialism is a concrete alternative to capitalism? The third chapter is aimed to study the concrete development of the "Bolivarian socialism of the XXI century" with intent to characterize and analyze the tools used by the Bolivarian project in Venezuela, meaning thereby found in the concrete realization of the policy of the project, the answer to the question: Does the Bolivarian project in Venezuela is a concrete alternative to capitalism? ; Maestría ; Ideas políticas latinoamericanas y dinámicas de las resistencias y la movilización social popular

This paper describes a database of 1,243,776 notable people and 7,184,575 locations (Geolinks) associated with them throughout human history (3000BCE-2015AD). We first describe in details the various approaches and procedures adopted to extract the relevant information from their Wikipedia biographies and then analyze the database. Ten main facts emerge.1. There has been an exponential growth over time of the database, with more than 60% of notable people still living in 2015, with the exception of a relative decline of the cohort born in the XVIIth century and a local minimum between 1645 and 1655.2. The average lifespan has increased by 20 years, from 60 to 80 years, between the cohort born in 1400AD and the one born in 1900AD.3. The share of women in the database follows a U-shape pattern, with a minimum in the XVIIth century and a maximum at 25% for the most recent cohorts.4. The fraction of notable people in governance occupations has decreased while the fraction in occupations such as arts, literature media and sports has increased over the centuries; sports caught up to arts and literature for cohorts born in 1870 but remained at the same level until the 1950s cohorts; and eventually sports came to dominate the database after 1950.5. The top 10 visible people born before 1890 are all non-American and have 10 different nationalities. Six out of the top 10 born after 1890 are instead U.S. born citizens. Since 1800, the share of people from Europe and the U.S. in the database declines, the number of people from Asia and the Southern Hemisphere grows to reach 20% of the database in 2000. Coincidentally, in 1637, the exact barycenter of the base was in the small village of Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises (Champagne Region in France), where Charles de Gaulle lived and passed away. Since the 1970s, the barycenter oscillates between Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia.6. The average distance between places of birth and death follows a U-shape pattern: the median distance was 316km before 500AD, 100km between 500 and 1500AD, and has risen continuously since then. The greatest mobility occurs between the age of 15 and 25.7. Individuals with the highest levels of visibility tend to be more distant from their birth place, with a median distance of 785km for the top percentile as compared to 389km for the top decile and 176km overall.8. In all occupations, there has been a rise in international mobility since 1960. The fraction of locations in a country different from the place of birth went from 15% in 1955 to 35% after 2000.9. There is no positive association between the size of cities and the visibility of people measured at the end of their life. If anything, the correlation is negative.10. Last and not least, we find a positive correlation between the contemporaneous number of entrepreneurs and the urban growth of the city in which they are located the following decades; more strikingly, the same is also true with the contemporaneous number or share of artists, positively affecting next decades city growth; instead, we find a zero or negative correlation between the contemporaneous share of "militaries, politicians and religious people" and urban growth in the following decades.

Naturalization has long been recognized as a crucial step in the full integration of immigrants into US society. Yet until now, sufficient information on the naturalization-eligible has not been available that would allow the federal government, states, localities, and non-governmental service providers to develop targeted strategies on a local level to assist this population to naturalize and to overcome barriers to eligibility. This paper remedies that deficiency by providing detailed estimates on the naturalization-eligible from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS). Naturalization rates have traditionally been calculated by dividing the naturalized or the "naturalization eligible" populations by all foreign-born persons; i.e., the naturalized, legal non-citizens, and undocumented residents. By including the unauthorized in this calculation, naturalization rates have appeared misleadingly low for populations that can naturalize. By contrast, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) provides "naturalization eligibility" rates, which it calculates by dividing the "naturalization eligible" by the foreign-born population, minus undocumented residents and legal residents who arrived after mid-2008. The paper reports that 8.6 million US residents were eligible to naturalize in 2013. This figure approximates the 8.8 million estimate of the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Mexican nationals constitute the largest naturalization-eligible population at 2.7 million, followed by Indian (337,000), Chinese (320,000), Cuban (316,000), and Canadian (313,000) nationals. Fifty countries have 25,000 or more naturalization-eligible persons. The large number of legally resident Mexican nationals and this population's high naturalization eligibility rate mean that US states with large Mexican populations have relatively high percentages of legal foreign-born residents who can naturalize. The overall "naturalization eligibility" rate was 31 percent in 2013, including 48 percent for Mexican nationals. Nine of the 25 largest US naturalization-eligible populations by source country have naturalization eligibility rates in excess of 40 percent, including Mexico (48 percent), Canada (45 percent), El Salvador (42 percent), the United Kingdom (41 percent), Guatemala (44 percent), Japan (56 percent), Honduras (48 percent), and Brazil (41 percent). On a state level, California, Texas, New York, and Florida contain roughly five million of the US naturalization-eligible or about 58 percent of the total population. The paper finds that a large number of naturalization-eligible immigrants may have difficulty meeting the naturalization requirements or may need intensive support to do so. This population likely includes substantial percentages of the 2.87 million naturalization-eligible who have lived in the United States for more than 25 years; 1.16 million who do not speak English; 3.0 million with less than a high school education; and the 1.8 million with incomes below the poverty level. On the other hand, high percentages of eligible immigrants would seem to be well-situated to naturalize, including those who have lived in the United States for more than 10 years (78 percent); are age 35 or older (74 percent); are married (64 percent); speak English well, very well, or only English (65 percent); have access to both a computer and the internet (74 percent); earn income above the poverty level (79 percent); and have health insurance (72 percent).

Ким Жон Ун засгийн эрхийг барьсан энэ гурван жилийн (2012-2014 он) хугацаанд Умард Солонгос нь цөмийн зэвсгийн хөгжил болон эдийн засгийн хөгжлийг хамтад нь зэрэгцүүлэн хөгжүүлэх "эдийн засаг-батлан хамгаалахын чиг шугам"-ыг батласан. Хятад, Умард Солонгосын xapилцaa нь цэргийн талаасаа түгшүүртэй харилцаатай байгаа бөгөөд улс төрийн талаасаа хүйтэн хөндий байдал нь хэвээр байна. Гэвч Хятад, Умард Солонгосын харилцаа нь эдийн засгийн талаасаа нэлээд халуун дулаан харилцаатай ба Умард Солонгосын эдийн засаг нь Хятадаас ихээхэн хамаарч байна.
Си Зиньпингийн удирдлага доорх Хятад улс нь Хятад-Америкийн өрсөлдөөнөөс болоод Умард Солонгосын улс төр, цэргийн ач холбогдолыг орхигдуулж болохгүй юм. Си Зиньпин нь цэргийн талаасаа Умард Солонгосын цөмийн асуудалд анхааруулга өгөхийн зэрэгцээ эдийн засгийн талаасаа Умард Солонгосын талаарх нарны илч бодлогыг чухалчилж байна. Энэхүү Си Зиньпингийн нарны илч бодлого нъ Ким Жон Уны тогтолцооны бэхжилтийн тулгуур болж байна.
Монгол Улс нь ЗХА-ийн улс төрийн түгшмэл байдал болон эдийн засгийн хамтын ажиллагааг хамтад хэрэгжүүлж байгаа нөхцөл байдлыг сайтар бодох хэрэгтэй. Монгол Улс нь Умард Солонгосын хилийн бүсийн эдийн засгийн нээлттэй бүсэд гарснаар эдийн засгийн ашиг сонирхолоо өргөжүүлэх болон Солонгосын хойг дахь нөлөөгөө нэмэгдүүлэх хэрэгтэй. Жишээ нь Ким Жон Ун засаг захиргаанаас хилийн чанад руу ажиллах хүч ихээхэн илгээж байгаа тул Монголын байгаль болон дэд бүтцийн хөгжилд Умард Солонгосын ажиллах хүчийг ашиглан Монгол, Солонгосын хойгийн хооронд ашиг хамгийн их байх санал төлөвлөгөөг олох хэрэгтэй.

Kim Jong-Un's Economic Improvement Measures and Xi Jinping's Sunshine Policy
Abstract: During the three years of Kim Jong Un's regime (2012-2014), North Korea adopted a "Economy-Defense Parallel Policy" targeting for a simultaneous development in both nuclear weapon and economy.
The Sino-North Korean relations, from military perspective, encounter with tension provoked by nuclear issue of North Korea while from political view, they are still in cold state. However, Sino-North Korean relations represent a strong economical link and North Korean economy is inevitably being subordinated to China.
According to China-American competition structure under the regime of Xi Jinping, the political and military importance of North Korea can never be disregarded. Even though Xi Jinping, from military policy, warns against North Korean nuclear issues but from economic policy, he adopts the Sunshine Policy with North Korea at the same time. This Sunshine Policy of Xi Jinping serves as a forming basis of maintenance of system of Kim Jong Un's regime.
Mongolia should understand this contradictory situation well in which political tension and economic cooperation in Northeastern Asia proceed at the same time. Mongolia should play a leading role in advancing to the opening region of border area of North Korea. This way, Mongolia will be able to achieve the increase of economic advantage and exercise its influence leverage to North-South of Korean Peninsula. For example, currently, Kim Jong Un's regime launches laborer to foreign countries in great quantity. Considering this fact, Mongolia can take advantage of North Korean workforce in terms of resources and infrastructure development. Based on this, Mongolia should seek for solution to maximize the profits between Mongolia and Korean Peninsula.
Key words: Kim Jong-Un, Xi Jinping, Sino-North Korea Relations, Sunshine Policy, Economic Reform, North Korea's "Economy-Defense Parallel Policy"