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This book is the first attempt to explore the use and application of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) and related smart technologies in cities and for the sole purpose of reaching positive peace. The everyday usage of digital technologies in cities encourages us to study the benefits, co-benefits, disadvantages, and threats of ICT application in cities and urban environments. The continuous growth of digital technologies and their growing demand in everyday urban practices and systems are already known to scholars, practitioners, and policy-makers. However, this book explores whether or not such applications and usage help us reaching positive peace. This approach is novel in the field of urban studies, allowing us to identify and highlight best practices, successes, and failures of ICT application to meet positive peace pillars. The scope of the book highlights our focus on positive peace and its eight pillars, mainly how they are meant to be achieved in cities and urban areas. With an analytical view on the topic, we aim to reflect on the systematic features of urban systems, using positive peace pillars as the primary targets. We believe ICT application and usage in cities could be more directive and beneficial to reach peace and prosperity to achieve such a goal. Therefore, this book provides a holistic guideline and coverage of ICT use for positive peace pathways and peace-building practices. We hope the findings of the book help researchers and policy-makers to come up with novel and integrated strategies, ensuring that our everyday usage of digital technologies, ICT, and smart tools, are more meaningful and people-oriented.

'Spätestens seit den Anschlägen auf Bali, die Hunderte Menschen - hauptsächlich Touristen aus Industrieländern - das Leben kosteten, wird gern auf die Gefahren hingewiesen, die von fundamentalistischen und terroristischen Gruppierungen in Süd- und Südostasien ausgehen. Dabei werden die Auseinandersetzungen oft stark vereinfacht wahrgenommen. Tatsächlich sind die innergesellschaftlichen Konflikte komplexer und lassen sich nicht auf das Schema 'böse Terroristen vs. gute Staaten' reduzieren. Auf Sri Lanka schwelt seit Jahrzehnten ein Konflikt, der schließlich 1983 in einen offenen Bürgerkrieg übergegangen ist. Derzeit verhandeln die Konfliktparteien der singhalesischen Regierung und die Guerilla der tamilischen Bevölkerungsgruppe 'Tamil Tigers' erneut miteinander, unterstützt durch die Mediation Norwegens. Hoffnungen, dass die Verhandlungen bei diesem Versuch erfolgreich sein werden, nähren sich aus der Veränderung des Verhandlungsstils und der begleitenden Umstände. Zum einen geht nun dem Verhandlungsbeginn eine Waffenruhe voraus, zum anderen treten beide Seiten als gleichberechtigte und legitime Gesprächspartner auf, die mit internationaler Unterstützung gemeinsam Pläne zur Konfliktlösung erarbeiten. Die Autorin analysiert die laufenden Verhandlungen und kontrastiert sie mit früheren, fehlgeschlagenen Versuchen. Dieses Mal bestehen realistische Chancen, dass die alten Konfliktparteien Frieden schließen, zumal von allen Seiten Kompromissbereitschaft signalisiert wird. Allerdings werden noch weit mehr Anstrengungen nötig sein, einen dauerhaften Frieden herbeizuführen, denn die nächsten 'Verlierer' der neuen Ordnungen und die zukünftigen Konfliktlinien stehen schon heute fest.' (Autorenreferat)

TWO CENTURIES AGO IMMANUEL KANT PUBLISHED ONE OF HIS MOST CELEBRATED POLITICAL WRITINGS, "TO PERPETUAL PEACE: A PHILOSOPHICAL PROJECT," AND INTRODUCED THE CONCEPT OF COSMOPOLITAN LAW. IN THIS PAPER, THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THIS CONCEPT THROUGH A COMPARISON OF KANT'S CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL THEORIES. SHE ARGUES THAT KANT'S CONCEPT PLAYS A CRUCIAL ROLE IN HIS SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. ON THE ONE HAND, COSMOPOLITAN LAW SAFEGUARDS A STATE'S SOVEREIGNTY VIS-A-VIS OTHER STATES; ON THE OTHER, IT IS AN INNOVATION THAT ALLOWS THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO MONITOR THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF ITS MEMBERS. THE CONCEPT CAN BE SEEN AS A FORERUNNER OF THE UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS, SHARING WITH IT THE IDEA THAT SOME RIGHTS HAVE A UNIVERSAL VALUE EVEN IF THEY ARE NOT ACTUALLY PROTECTED BY ANY SECULAR INSTITUTION.

The study explores the conceptual potential of developing a visual arts-based approach to peace mediation. An analysis of literature in mediation research points to such gaps as lack of the disputing parties' understanding of positions, interests and values as well as the inefficiently explored and utilized potential of mediation for creativity. Employing the grounded theory methodology, the study bridges the fields of mediation, graphic recording and art therapy to explore whether visual art(-making) could address the gaps and practical challenges of mediation. Combining analysis of related literature and of empirical data gathered through semi-structured intensive interviews with experts in the fields of mediation, graphic recording and art therapy, the study explores what elements and qualities of visual art(-making) could serve as basis for the development of the concept of visual arts-based mediation. Visual arts-based mediation emerges as an approach to peace mediation implying the utilization of visual art-making throughout the mediation process, with concrete stages and degrees of employment of visual art-making left to the discretion of the mediator. A visual approach to mediation would imply bringing the experiences of the conflicting parties to the forefront of mediation research and practice, thus contradicting the current emphasis on the role of the mediator in literature. The study further discusses the possible risks and limitations of visual arts-based mediation, including those of visual art serving to aggravate the conflict, not answering to the needs of the conflicting parties of different cultural backgrounds, age groups and gender as well as overriding the purpose and goals of the mediation process. Further avenues for research regarding visual arts-based mediation and implications for its applicability are outlined. Visual arts-based mediation is found to not be directly generalizable, but to be a potentially effective approach for mediators to have as an option in designing peace mediation processes which would answer to the specific needs and wants of the disputing parties. In the realm of peace and conflict research, the study also touches upon the possibility of peace having visual qualities and of visualization contributing to peace through legitimizing the search for and visions of it.

Classical-liberal arguments about the pacifying effects of international trade are revisited, and it is argued that they consistently refer to the ability of trade to provide 'connections' between people and to create a perceived 'global community'. Dependency and openness are commonly used to test for any pacifying effects of trade in the current literature, but these measures fail to capture some of the classical liberals' key insights. Several network measures are introduced in order to give natural expression to and to develop the classical-liberal view that trade linkages reduce interstate conflict. These measures applied to trade flows are incorporated in the Russett & Oneal triangulating-peace model. The main results are that trade networks are indeed pacifying in that both direct and indirect trade linkages matter, and as the global trade network has become more dense over time, the importance of indirect links by way of specific third countries has declined, and the general embeddedness of state dyads in the trade network has become more relevant. These findings suggest that the period since World War II has seen progressive realization of the classical-liberal ideal of a security community of trading states.

Political scientists and policy-makers agree that democratic states were less likely to engage each other in militarized disputes than were other states during the Cold War. Most among them attribute this to their domestic political structures. Some, however, believe that the common and conflicting interests that the East-West conflict induced explain the relatively low democratic-dispute rate. Evidence from the post-Cold War world can help to arbitrate between these very different claims, as the collapse of the Soviet Union destroyed the bipolar system, precipitated a sharp rise in the number of democracies, and shifted dispute-rate patterns. The analyses in this paper show that dyadic dispute rates converge after the Cold War, casting doubt on the existence of a democratic peace. Adapted from the source document.

Photocopy. Ann Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms Microfilms International, 1977. ; Introduction, by E. D. Mead.--I. The natural principle of the political order.--II. The principles of political right.--III. The principle of progress.--IV. Eternal peace: a philosophical essay.--V. Public law, from The metaphysics of morals.--Notes to "Eternal peace". ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Capitalist Peace Theory: A Critical Appraisal" published on by Oxford University Press.

This textbook provides a comprehensive overview of different methods and sources of information-gathering for peace and conflict students and researchers, as well as the challenges presented by such work.

Although globalization has become one of the most salient issues in the study of international relations during the past few decades, its net effect on international conflict remains unexplored. I argue that although the manifold phenomena of globalization may conflict (i.e. produce both positive and negative influences), its overall consequences help foster a common peaceful disposition among national leaders who are then less likely to resort to arms in times of crisis. Based on a cross-sectional, time-series dyadic data analysis for 114 countries during the period from 1970 to 2001, this study reports that socio-economic and political globalization in its entirety generates a dampening effect on militarized interstate disputes. Even when common conflict-related control variables such as democracy, economic interdependence, joint membership in international organizations, and others are incorporated into the analysis, globalization emerges as the most powerful explanatory variable. Consequently, globalization when taken in its entirety represents an unambiguous force for interstate peace.

Post-colonial Africa has seemingly been in an intractable state of conflict and war for a considerable period of time. This volume explores the process by which these wars were ended, discusses the lessons learnt, and examines the sustainability of recently reconciled conflicts to see how far peace solutions are permanent in this region.

AbstractVarious conflict areas have faced situations of deadlock after repeated rounds of violence and failed negotiations. In such cases, international actors have used the strategy of drafting, presenting, and promoting a peace plan that addresses the main issues in the conflict and formulates a basis for negotiation and agreement. The article analyzes peace plans as a strategy in peacemaking, international intervention, and mediation processes in conflict areas, using four case studies: The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994); US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000); United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004); and United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007). The article examines the peace plans as a diplomatic strategy and international practice and explores their influence as a "textual agency" in the long term. It finds that peace plans, though shaped by a specific context, can under certain conditions take on an independent life and have a long-term impact, even if they were rejected and had failed in the short term. The research traces the influence of the plans in various spheres and identifies the main factors that explain the variance in their afterlives.Distintas zonas de conflicto se han enfrentado a situaciones de estancamiento tras varias olas de violencia y negociaciones fallidas. En tales casos, la estrategia de los actores políticos internacionales ha consistido en elaborar, presentar y promover un plan de paz que aborde los principales temas del conflicto y formule una base para la negociación y el acuerdo. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia de pacificación, intervención internacional y procesos de mediación en zonas de conflicto, mediante el uso de cuatro estudios de caso: El plan del Grupo de Contacto para Bosnia [The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994)]; El plan del presidente de los Estados Unidos Bill Clinton para el conflicto palestino-israelí [US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000)]; El plan del secretario general de las Naciones Unidas, Kofi Annan, para Chipre [United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004)]; y el plan del enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, Martti Ahtisaari, para Kosovo [United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007)]. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia diplomática y práctica internacional, y examina su influencia como "agente de cambio textual" a largo plazo. Se concluye que los planes de paz, si bien están condicionados por un contexto específico, pueden, en determinadas situaciones, tener vida propia y producir un efecto a largo plazo, aunque sean rechazados y hayan fracasado a corto plazo. La presente investigación analiza la importancia de los planes en diversas áreas e identifica los principales factores que explican la variación de sus vidas posteriores.Diverses zones de conflit ont été confrontées à des impasses suite à des séries répétées de violences et d'échecs de négociations. Dans de tels cas, des acteurs internationaux ont eu recours à une stratégie consistant à ébaucher, présenter et promouvoir un plan de paix traitant les principaux problèmes du conflit tout en formulant une base pour une négociation et un accord. Cet article analyse les plans de paix en tant que stratégie des processus de pacification, d'intervention internationale et de médiation dans les zones de conflit en s'appuyant sur quatre études de cas: le plan du Groupe de contact pour la Bosnie (1994), le plan du Président américain Bill Clinton pour le conflit israélo–palestinien (2000), le plan du Secrétaire général des Nations unies Kofi Annan pour Chypre (2004) et le plan de l'Envoyé des Nations unies Martti Ahtisaari pour le Kosovo (2007). L'article examine les plans de paix en tant que stratégie diplomatique et que pratique internationale et explore leur influence en tant « qu'agents textuels » à long terme. Il constate que bien qu'ils soient façonnés par un contexte spécifique, les plans de paix peuvent, sous certaines conditions, survivre de manière indépendante et avoir un impact à long terme, même s'ils ont été rejetés et ont échoué à court terme. Cette recherche retrace l'influence des plans dans diverses sphères et identifie les principaux facteurs qui expliquent la variance de leur survie.