Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the place and role of religion in the political life of modern Ukraine and its influence on the political life and transformations broght about by political factors. It shows that the growing level of believers' political activity determines the deepening of the process of politicization of religion and simultaneously contributes to the religionization of the political process. It demonstrates that the politicization of religion encourages the laity and the clergy to build and establish a democratic Ukrainian state and the revival of national spirituality and morality. But, on the other hand, in the presence of anti-Ukrainian tendencies in the activities of certain denominations such a process can lead to a sharp political and inter-church confrontation which can cause a political and religious crisis in society. It is shown that some activities of religious organizations operating in Ukraine are outside of the legal framework. The need to align the existing legal framework on the relationship between the Church, religious organizations and the state with modern realities is emphasized. In this context, the problem of developing and implementing deterrent mechanisms for the participation of extremist religious organizations in political activities is quite relevant.It is shown that a starting point for the involvement of religious organizations and institutions in political activities deals with understanding (at the theoretical and theological level) of the principles of their interactions with the structures of state authorities, society and citizens. Тhis is achieved by way of incorporating findings of theological and canonical research on such topics in the strategy, social concepts, appeals. This serves as the basis for specific instructions regarding the forms and content of participation of the Church, clergy, and laity in political life.It is emphasized that the direct inclusion of the Church, religious denominations and believers in political processes opens the possibility for manipulative influence on believers aiming at lobbying interests of certain political parties during the election processes. ; Проанализированы место и роль религии в политической жизни современной Украины, ее влияние на политическую жизнь и трансформацию под влиянием политического фактора. Показано, что растущий уровень политической активности верующих граждан предопределяет, с одной стороны, углубление процесса политизации религии, а с другой – способствует религизации политического процесса. Доказано, что политизация религии побуждает мирян и клир к развитию и утверждению демократического Украинского государства, возрождению национальной духовности и нравственности. Но, с другой стороны, при наличии антиукраинских моментов в деятельности определенных конфессий, такой процесс может привести к острому политическому и религиозному кризису. Показано, что не вся деятельность религиозных организаций, функционирующих в Украине, осуществляется в пределах правового поля. Подчеркнута необходимость приведения существующей законодательной базы по вопросам взаимоотношений церкви, религиозных организаций и государства к потребностям современных реалий. В этом контексте является достаточно актуальной проблема разработки и внедрения сдерживающих механизмов по участию экстремистских религиозных организаций в политической деятельности. ; Проаналiзовано мiсце та роль релiгiї в полiтичному життi сучасної України, її вплив на полiтичне життя та трансформацiї пiд впливом полiтичного чинника. Показано, що зростаючий рiвень полiтичної активностi віруючих громадян зумовлює, з одного боку, поглиблення процесу політизації релігії, а з іншого – сприяє релiгiзацiї полiтичного процесу. Доведено, що полiтизацiя релiгiї спонукає мирян і клір до розбудови й утвердження демократичної Української держави, вiдродження національної духовностi та моральностi. Проте, з іншого боку, за наявності антиукраїнських підходів у діяльності певних конфесій, такий процес може зумовити гостре полiтичне і мiжцерковне протистояння, що може занурити суспільство в політичну і релігійну кризу. Показано, що не вся діяльність релігійних організацій, які функціонують в Україні, відбувається у межах правового поля. Підкреслено необхідність приведення наявної законодавчої бази з питань взаємовідносин церкви, релігійних організацій і держави до потреб сучасних реалій. У цьому контексті досить актуальною є проблема розробки та запровадження стримуючих механізмів щодо участі екстремістських релігійних організацій у політичній діяльності.

New data derived directly from household surveys are used to examine the effects of globalization on income distribution in poor and rich countries. The article looks at the impact of openness and of direct foreign investment on relative income shares across the entire income distribution. It finds strong evidence that at low average income levels, the income share of the poor is smaller in countries that are more open to trade. As national income levels rise, the incomes of the poor and the middle class rise relative to the income of the rich. The article explains why using the trade to gross domestic product (GDP) ratio in purchasing power parity terms, as favored by some analysts, is inappropriate in studies of the effect of trade on income distribution.

Studies of civil-military relations and political parties in democratic Indonesia which gives deeper attention to the role of the military retirees (purnawirawan) in the democratization are still rare. The few studies that have been carried out only explore their role in the political contestation of presidential elections as key actors in supporting candidates and mobilizing votes. This study explains the meaning of the rise of purnawirawan's involvement, not only in the political contestation, but also the extent of their contribution to the development of political parties and their performance in legislative institutions and public offices in the government. Overall the study investigates the contribution of their roles in the early democratic transition and the consolidation period Three aspects were analyzed. The first aspect was political parties that had a large number of purnawirawan. From the dataset produced by this study, there were four political parties that became the units of analysis, namely PDI-P, Golkar, Democratic Party and Gerindra. The second aspect was the roles of purnawirawan from those four parties in the elections and legislative institutions. The third aspect was the roles of purnawirawan with the parties and non-parties background within the central and local governments. This study limits the research period from 1998 to 2014. In this period, there were five elections. The discussion begins with the period from 1998-2004 as the background of the emergence of purnawirawan in the direct elections and the presidential contest which began in 2004 where full-time participation in the political contestation took place massively. There are three hypotheses in this research. The first is that trends of purnawirawan's participation in politics and political parties were the effects of structural changes resulting from the military reform and the multi-party systems. The second is that Purnawirawan contributed to the uniqueness of the development of party organizations that combined thin military values with a model of civilian organization. The third is that the role of purnawirawan in political parties and public offices was driven by the importance of continuing military doctrines to influence the state policy-making processes. This study is an intersection between the study of party organizations and the study of civil military relations in emerging democracy. The analytical framework developed combines the theories of the development of political parties and civilian control over the military to test the causal relationship between the involvement of purnawirawan in political parties, their performance in the parliament and the government, as well as their contribution to the democratization in Indonesia. There are three important findings of this study. The first finding is that in the multi-parties system, purnawirawan worked hard not only to gain positions in the parliament and the government, but also to build political parties as political vehicles. This confirms that they were important actors in the party development. The second finding is that some parties established by purnawirawan were able to survive in the elections and obtain parliamentary seats. The parties were managed with a democratic vision, but still colored by militaristic characters. The third finding is that purnawirawan's political participation in the democracy of Indonesia was driven by their personal interests to be posted in public offices and their responsibility as state guardians in the form of civilian politicians.

В статье анализируется преобразование философии, осуществленное в творчестве М.К. Мамардашвили. Отмечается, что философия у него представлена как философствование гносис, духовное познание. Метафизика у Мамардашвили предстает не как учение о мире, а как созидающая деятельность трансцендирования, формирующая человека как моральное существо. С другой стороны, осмысляется критика со стороны Мамардашвили господствующих идеологий, превращающих человека в зомби, разрушающих как моральный строй личности, так и гражданское общество и государство. ; Merab K. Mamardashvili (1930-1990) was the philosopher of Georgian descent who worked in the Soviet epoch, and whose philosophical heritage is of great significance for the modern Russian society. This article is the first in the cicle of my works in which I try to analyze the transformation of philosophy in M.K. Mamardashvili's creativity. In this article, I have shown philosophy from Mamardashvili's point of view is a gnosis, and spiritual cognition. Metaphysics in Mamardashvili's works appears not as explanation of the universe but as a creative transcending action that builds up human being as moral creature. As for the Mamardashvili's social philosophy, he emphasizes that a simple mechanical combination of people needs a certain kind of connectedness to be transformed into civil society, which is not a society in general, but a 'certain quality of society'. Mamardashvili supposed civil society will disappear the way it happened to the Greeks, "effort was gone, and civil society disappeared even before the barbarians ruined it". The same thing happened to the Germans in the 1920s, when the Weimar Republic with its complex democratic institutions was created. In the USSR, the same pattern was observed when the Soviet regime also actually a 'direct popular democracy' degenerated into the rule of a tyrant and totalitarian partocracy. According to Mamardashvili, 1917 was marked by "collective suicide of society and statehood", and society entered a 'zone of disintegration of social connections' which gave rise to an avalanche effect. As a result, we still "have this space rarified to the highest possible degree, an empty space." where "almost no points where my effort could be generated are to be found". Everything in the social world, Mamardashvili states, depends on the efforts of the human personality, therefore, "If a social theory says something I cannot do, I cannot participate in, and understanding it cannot become a part of my action, such theory does not exist". The most important thing about social action is approving the freedom of man, and if it is not present, and even some theory is applied to confirm this determinism, it results in destruction of both freedom and sociality based upon it. "Why do we actually need history?" the thinker asks. He answers that question himself, "time is an effort, an effort of existence". We are given time, both personal and historical, to actualize ourselves, to establish ourselves as citizens, so that on the basis of our actions a "connectivity" called civil society could emerge. There is no other, exterior way to do this. Like Dostoyevsky, Mamardashvili regards the "drama of the soul" as "one of the historical forces in man". The outburst of 'democracy', as the Weimar Republic and Russia in 1917 and 1991 demonstrated, may lead to the destruction of sociality instead of constructing a real civil society. All the real things, according to the ancient Chinese wise saying, take place slowly but inevitably.

La presente tesis analiza las reformas de la formación docente puestas en marcha durante el gobierno de la "transición democrática" (1983-1989) indagando las particularidades que asume la elaboración de la política educativa en este contexto histórico. El abordaje recupera tres ejes considerados fundamentales para el análisis de dichos procesos: los argumentos que las sustentan, los ámbitos donde se elaboran y la figura del reformador. Dichos ejes aluden a la relación, siempre presente en los momentos de reforma, entre el campo de la política educativa y el campo intelectual de la educación convirtiendo al reformador en un actor clave en tanto mediador entre ambos espacios. La centralidad que la formación docente adquirió en las políticas de transformación educativa a lo largo del siglo XX vuelve a estas reformas un objeto interesante para observarlas desde estos ejes de análisis. El período que se recorta en esta tesis es importante por varios motivos. En primer lugar, es un momento fructífero para analizar la relación entre los intelectuales y el gobierno, en tanto supuso nuevas formas de vinculación y una confianza renovada en la política y la democracia luego del largo ciclo de inestabilidad que sobrevino con las últimas dictaduras militares. En segundo lugar, se trató de un momento histórico donde la idea de reforma y transformación estuvo incluída en un intento de "modernización democrática" siendo la educación uno de los pilares de la misma. Finalmente, por que en relación a la reforma y, más específicamente, a la formación docente, evidencia desplazamientos y nuevas formas de intervención dando paso a la, cada vez más directa, participación de organismos internacionales y regionales y otras organizaciones en el proceso de elaboración de la política. ; This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process.This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process. ; Fil: Mendez, Jorgelina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

La presente tesis analiza las reformas de la formación docente puestas en marcha durante el gobierno de la "transición democrática" (1983-1989) indagando las particularidades que asume la elaboración de la política educativa en este contexto histórico. El abordaje recupera tres ejes considerados fundamentales para el análisis de dichos procesos: los argumentos que las sustentan, los ámbitos donde se elaboran y la figura del reformador. Dichos ejes aluden a la relación, siempre presente en los momentos de reforma, entre el campo de la política educativa y el campo intelectual de la educación convirtiendo al reformador en un actor clave en tanto mediador entre ambos espacios. La centralidad que la formación docente adquirió en las políticas de transformación educativa a lo largo del siglo XX vuelve a estas reformas un objeto interesante para observarlas desde estos ejes de análisis. El período que se recorta en esta tesis es importante por varios motivos. En primer lugar, es un momento fructífero para analizar la relación entre los intelectuales y el gobierno, en tanto supuso nuevas formas de vinculación y una confianza renovada en la política y la democracia luego del largo ciclo de inestabilidad que sobrevino con las últimas dictaduras militares. En segundo lugar, se trató de un momento histórico donde la idea de reforma y transformación estuvo incluída en un intento de "modernización democrática" siendo la educación uno de los pilares de la misma. Finalmente, por que en relación a la reforma y, más específicamente, a la formación docente, evidencia desplazamientos y nuevas formas de intervención dando paso a la, cada vez más directa, participación de organismos internacionales y regionales y otras organizaciones en el proceso de elaboración de la política. ; This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process.This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process. ; Fil: Mendez, Jorgelina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

La presente tesis analiza las reformas de la formación docente puestas en marcha durante el gobierno de la "transición democrática" (1983-1989) indagando las particularidades que asume la elaboración de la política educativa en este contexto histórico. El abordaje recupera tres ejes considerados fundamentales para el análisis de dichos procesos: los argumentos que las sustentan, los ámbitos donde se elaboran y la figura del reformador. Dichos ejes aluden a la relación, siempre presente en los momentos de reforma, entre el campo de la política educativa y el campo intelectual de la educación convirtiendo al reformador en un actor clave en tanto mediador entre ambos espacios. La centralidad que la formación docente adquirió en las políticas de transformación educativa a lo largo del siglo XX vuelve a estas reformas un objeto interesante para observarlas desde estos ejes de análisis. El período que se recorta en esta tesis es importante por varios motivos. En primer lugar, es un momento fructífero para analizar la relación entre los intelectuales y el gobierno, en tanto supuso nuevas formas de vinculación y una confianza renovada en la política y la democracia luego del largo ciclo de inestabilidad que sobrevino con las últimas dictaduras militares. En segundo lugar, se trató de un momento histórico donde la idea de reforma y transformación estuvo incluída en un intento de "modernización democrática" siendo la educación uno de los pilares de la misma. Finalmente, por que en relación a la reforma y, más específicamente, a la formación docente, evidencia desplazamientos y nuevas formas de intervención dando paso a la, cada vez más directa, participación de organismos internacionales y regionales y otras organizaciones en el proceso de elaboración de la política. ; This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process.This thesis analyzes the teacher formation reforms started during the "democratic transition" government (1983-1989) inquiring into the particularities assumed by the elaboration of the educational policy in this historic context. The approach recovers three axes considered fundamental for the analysis of said processes: the arguments that support them, the areas where they are elaborated and the figure of the reformer. These axes allude to the relationship, always present in times of reformation, between the field of educationpolicy and the intellectual field of education transforming the reformer into a key actor as mediator between both spaces. The centrality that teacher formation acquired in the educative transformation policies throughout the 20th century turns these reforms into an interesting object to be observed from these axes of analysis. The period drawn in this thesis is important for several reasons. Firstly, it is a fruitful moment to analyze the relationship between the intellectuals and the government, which involved new ways of connection and a renewed confidence in politics and democracy after the long instability cycle that came over along with the last military dictatorships. Secondly, it was a historic moment where the idea of reform and transformation was included in an attempt of "democratic modernization", being education one of the pillars of it. Finally, because in relation to the reform and, more specifically, to teacher formation, shows displacements and new forms of intervention giving way to the, increasingly direct, involvement of regional and international organizations and other bodies in the policy making process. ; Fil: Mendez, Jorgelina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

Around the world, the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the value of effective government intervention. The scale of the economic impact of COVID-19 is unprecedented. Some economies have shrunk by over 10 percent while Myanmar's GDP growth for 2019-20 FY is estimated to drop from the previous estimation at 7 percent to 4.3 percent as "all sectors are hit". Governments from Spain, to Singapore, to South Korea have stepped in with unprecedented interventions to protect citizens from the damaging health and economic effects of the virus. Policies which might have seemed far-fetched less than six months ago, such as social distancing policies and cash transfers, have become widely accepted. In Myanmar, the recently released Overcoming as One: COVID-19 Economic Relief Plan (CERP) sets out the Union government's economic response to COVID-19, ranging from action on personal protective equipment (PPE) procurement to direct cash transfers to households. The CERP outlines an ambitious economic response to COVID-19 and provides a useful tool for cross-government coordination.

"The Panoptic Sort was published in 1993. Its focus was on privacy and surveillance. But unlike the majority of publications addressing these topics in the United States at the time that were focused on the privacy concerns of individuals, especially those related to threats associated with government surveillance, that book sought to direct public toward the activities of commercial firms. It was highly critical of the failure of scholars and political activists to pay sufficient attention to the threats to individual autonomy, collective agency, and the exercise of social responsibility. The Panoptic Sort was intended to help us all to understand just what was at stake when the bureaucracies of government and commerce gathered, processed and made use of an almost unlimited amount of personal, and transaction-generated information to manage social, economic and political activities within society. It argued that unlike Foucault's panoptic prison, which involved continual, all-encompassing surveillance, the panoptic systems being developed at that time were turning their attention toward the development of techniques for the identification and classification of disciplinary subjects into distinct groups in ways that would increase the efficiency with which the techniques of "correct training" could be applied to those group members. While the first addition provided numerous examples from marketing, employment, insurance, credit management, and the provision of government and social services, the 2nd Edition extends descriptions of the technologies that have been developed and incorporated into the panoptic sort in the nearly 30 years since its initial publication. In addition, it places these technological advances and systemic expansions into the context of quite significant transformations in the nature of capitalism. In addition to the massive expansion in the amount of data and information being gathered, processed, and distributed for use by corporations, government agencies, and newly developing public-private partnerships, advances in artificial intelligence and machine learning have placed the development of autonomous devices into positions of power that had barely been imagined in the past. Assessments of the implications for democracy that many associate with the possibility of an algorithmic Leviathan, invite a reconsideration of Jacques Ellul's distressing predictions about the future that ended the first edition of The Panoptic Sort"--

Indonesia over the past two decades has embarked on decentralization as part of a broader process of democratization across the archipelago. The purpose of this book is to explore the connections between governance and sustainable society in a wide variety of policy fields, and how reforming governance structures may contribute to societal benefits and the creation of a long-term sustainable society in Indonesia. This book bridges important theoretical debates related to governance and sustainable society and provides empirical research from Indonesia in important policy areas related to this debate. By placing research in various policy areas in a single volume, the link to the broader concepts of governance, decentralization, and societal outcomes is strengthened. The book builds on the recent interest that has focused on Indonesia and the continued development of democracy in the country. The chapters in the book show a rich variety of decentralized governance arrangements and capacity building at the local level in particular. Central standards (for example for social sustainability, anti-corruption arrangements, and for dealing with direct foreign investment), combined with local innovation (for example for municipal coordination of primary health care or metropolitan transport), are key to Indonesia as a country in a continuing process of transformation. We identify three key trends in the on-going process of decentralization and governance in Indonesia. First, we find that formal governance, the relation between the national and local government, is characterized by a system of 'variable geometry multi-level governance' depending on the policy area. The challenge ahead is strengthening accountability mechanisms to assure national standards while preserving and encouraging local innovation. Secondly, informal governance mechanisms are evolving to move from 'hierarchical to network' forms of governance. Here the challenge is to insure democratic input by citizens and civil society organizations. Finally, we identify a trend toward 'shared value creation and sustainable cooperation.' Indonesia is beginning to move from a rather singular policy focus on economic growth to a more complex and developing notion of policymaking for inclusive growth and the creation of a sustainable society for present and future generations. Here the challenge is sound implementation and an increase in the effectiveness of governance mechanisms

Murder and Politics in Mexico studies the causes of political killings in Mexico s liberalization-democratization within the larger context of political repression. Mexico s democratization process has entailed a little known but highly significant cost of human lives in pre- and post-election violence. The majority of these crimes remain in a state of impunity: in other words, no person had been charged with the crime and/or no investigation of it had occurred. Over 70% of the political murders of Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) members in the 1990s remain unsolved. This has several consequences for Mexican politics: when the level of violence is extreme and when political killings that are systematic and invasive are involved, this could indicate a real fracture in the democratic system. This book analyzes several dimensions regarding impunity and political crime, more specifically, the political killings of members of the PRD in the post-1988 period in Mexico. The main argument proposed in this book is that impunity for political killings is a structured system requiring one central precondition, namely the failure of the legal system to function as a system of restraint for killings. This structured system of impunity for political killing in general consists of political and institutional elements (law enforcement agencies, lawyers, public prosecutors, politicians). Dr Schatz s research finds that political assassinations are indeed rational, targeted actions but they do not occur within an institutional vacuum. Political assassinations are calculated strategies of action aimed at eliminating political rivals. They are caused by multiple interacting factors that involve the political, legal and criminal justice systems. As a form of interpersonal violence, political assassination involves direct or implied authorization from political leaders, the availability of assassins for hire and the willingness of some political leaders to utilize them against political opponents, and violent interactions between political parties combined with judicial system ineffectiveness. A corrupt legal system facilitates the use of political assassination and explains the persistence of impunity for political murder over time. To reduce political violence in the transition to electoral democracy, specific institutional conditions, namely a structured system of impunity for murder must be overcome.

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the content of dissenting opinions of the judges of the Constitutional Court of Russia regarding the implementation of freedom of peaceful assembly. The author concluded that in 2009–2020, there were three judgements (postanovlenie) and one decision (opredelenie) by the Constitutional Court of Russia (hereinafter also referred to as the CCR) that were accompanied by dissenting opinions of CCR judges. In 2013, one single judgment of the CCR was accompanied by three dissenting opinions. This research analyzes the six dissenting opinions of the judges of the Russian Constitutional Court, which considered various problematic issues regarding the implementation of freedom of peaceful assembly in the contemporary Russian Federation. The author also analyzes the role and significance of the dissenting opinions in the context of amendments to the Russian Constitution in 2020, and changes in legislation that significantly limited the publicity of dissenting opinions of CCR judges. This article shows the role of dissenting opinions as: a means to raising the level of legal consciousness in society, a guarantee of a fair and open trial, a guarantee of the independence of judiciary and judicial democracy, and a means of improving legislation and law enforcement practice. The author concludes that the CCR judges' dissenting opinions could in some cases be regarded as "sleeping law", because the European Court of Human Rights later confirmed the judges' minority report in findings. The article uses traditional research methods such as analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, logical method, and comparative legal methods. The author expresses that it is necessary to keep the democratic tradition of constitutional justice, which allowed the publicity of dissenting opinions of CCR judges during 1991–2020. It is also concluded that the dissenting opinions of the Constitutional Court judges enable a deeper understanding of the political and legal nature, features, and main stages of the development of Russian public assembly law, one of direct democracy's most important institutions alongside elections and referendums. The author argues that dissenting opinions of the judges of the Constitutional Court of Russia make it possible to identify gaps and defects in the legal regulation of public events in Russia. The study was funded by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR) and the Expert Institute for Social Research (EISR) in the framework of the research project no.20-011-31740.

Globalisation and the outsourcing of industrial manufacturing from developed to less developed countries has an increasing effect on the national energy balances of most developed economies. The current standard metric Total Primary Energy Supply of a country does not take into account the energy embodied in goods and services imported from other countries, leading to the perverse outcome of a country appearing to be more sustainable the more it outsources its energy-intensive industries. Academia has addressed this problem by suggesting the use of the Total Primary Energy Footprint as an additional metric, but there has not been a clear proposal put forward by academia to governments or international institutions about how to officially adopt Consumption-Based Accounting in the field of energy. This article states that acknowledging the existence of embodied energy flows is indispensable when formulating new national and international energy policies for the transition towards energy systems that are socially and environmentally more sustainable. In this study, the Hidden Energy Flow indicator of 44 countries has been quantified using, for the first time, five different Global Multi-Regional Input-Output databases for the latest available year, 2011. The proposed indicator provides a percentage to be added to or subtracted from the Total Primary Energy Used value of a country, provided by the International Energy Agency, to get its real consumption-based energy requirement. This study demonstrates that, from 44 countries analysed, the ten most developed countries demand on average 18.5% more energy than measured by the International Energy Agency; the medium developed 24 countries demand 12.4% more, and the ten least developed countries demand 1.6% less. This means that most developed and medium developed countries displace their indirect energy consumption towards less developed countries in a hidden way. Furthermore, this research supports evidence that direct energy consumption in households is less relevant than the energy embodied in goods and services purchased by households, reaching 59.1% in the case of Switzerland, used as a reference among developed countries. The proposed Hidden Energy Flow indicator supports scientists, policymakers and citizens in the effort to focus the energy transition actions towards conducting the necessary energy consumption and production changes in the most effective way, improving energy justice and energy democracy.